Tournament: Georgia State | Round: 2 | Opponent: Iowa DH | Judge: Leah Moczulski
Rhetoric of green tech competition trades off with cooperation that is crucial to solve warming – provides cover, discourages interestsEisen (Professor of Law, University of Richmond School of Law) 11 (JOEL B, THE NEW ENERGY GEOPOLITICS?: CHINA, RENEWABLE ENERGY, AND THE “GREENTECH RACE”, CHICAGO-KENT LAW REVIEW Vol 86:1, SSRN) Rather than creating the scorched earth of a “greentech war,” 216 both nations can benefit from collaboration that takes advantages of the respec- tive strengths of each.217 The urgency to do this is compelling. No nation has ever grown so rapidly as China is growing now, and no nation has had to address such daunting environmental challenges at the same time as it has pursued such rapid growth.218 This poses major hurdles to tackling climate change that must be surmounted by nations working together. And there are not just two nations involved, but the whole world.219 The planet is in peril if we do not all act together with concerted, targeted efforts. Ra- ther than creating a two-nation race, we should encourage China’s domestic policies and the climate change collaborations of the “BRIC” developing economies (Brazil, Russia, and India, in addition to China).220 Nationalistic rhetoric on climate change (as best embodied in the USTR investigation) will have high costs. Creating near-term tension would be especially unfortunate for the U.S.-China relationship on climate matters, which is complex, but not marked by the same animosity as Amer- ica’s relationship with the U.S.S.R. in the 1950s. The two nations have occasionally criticized each other’s progress toward reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and China is not reticent about highlighting its stronger pro- grams (greentech promotion) and downplaying weaker ones (lack of bind- ing nationwide emissions limits).221 The two nations have ongoing tensions on a whole host of sensitive topics,222 but have worked productively with each other to address climate change.223 Some note that collaboration on climate issues could have a positive impact on the entire U.S.-China dialo- gue,224 although the USTR investigation threatens that optimistic out- look.225 In the two-year period of international negotiations between the prom- ulgation of the Bali Action Plan and the December 2009 Copenhagen summit, there were numerous cooperative activities between the two na- tions. The highest level of talks took place under the auspices of the U.S.- China Strategic and Economic Dialogue.226 Discussions also took place during 2009 with other world leaders at the Pittsburgh G-20 summit227 and the Major Economies Forum on Energy and Climate.228 There was even talk during 2009 of the two nations forming a sort of “G-2” to cooperate on financial and climate matters, though that never materialized.229 The two nations have pledged several times to take mutual action to address climate change,230 and while the promises are often hortatory, the ongoing discus- sion does have important value in strengthening the bilateral relation- ship.231 Continued antagonistic rhetoric about a clean energy race will make it difficult to conduct cooperative efforts in energy and environmental mat- ters. Unlike the near-complete scientific secrecy that marked the Cold War era, advocating a strategy of competition with the Chinese undercuts these activities. 232 China and the United States are working to develop technology together. Under the China-U.S. Science and Technology Agreement, the Department of Energy has twelve ongoing initiatives with China,233 includ- ing electric vehicle234 and carbon capture and storage development initia- tives.235 The Clean Energy Ministerial Forum in July 2010, hosted by U.S. Secretary of Energy Steven Chu and attended by his Chinese counterpart and ministers from twenty-two other nations, outlined a multi-part agenda in specific areas of cooperation.236 Similar to Norway, which saw coopera- tion in fishing matters cut off by an aggrieved China after the award of a Nobel Prize to a Chinese dissident,237 Some even argue (in obvious counterpoint to the USTR investiga- tion) that China’s subsidies and other programs to promote renewables can be good for the United States’ economy. the United States could find itself shunned by China in these highly symbolic areas instead of cooperating with it. 238 The Council on Foreign Rela- tions’ Michael Levi, examining the study cited earlier in this Article that the United States retains leadership at the high value end of the solar devel- opment and manufacturing chain,239 argues that “it’s quite possible for the United States and China both to win, with China lowering the cost of rela- tively low-tech parts of the value chain, in turn growing the market for the higher-tech parts that are still handled by the United States.”240 Levi com- pares this to other situations in which China manufactures products devel- oped in the United States. Some might find that overstated, and others cite feedback loops like the one described earlier in this Article (in which Chi- nese firms eventually find their way up the value chain).241 On the other hand, warring with China can only hurt the prospects for American firms to do business in China.242 At the international level, greentech warring makes it even more diffi- cult to reach a global climate agreement. Many have chastised China for taking insufficient steps toward an agreement limiting greenhouse gas emissions. According to some accounts, China’s foot-dragging and re- fusal to adopt binding reduction targets was at least in part responsible for the failure of the Copenhagen Accord to incorporate global binding lim- its,244 although the United States shares some blame for putting forth a weak negotiating position. As China’s economy continues its rapid growth, there will be even greater demand for it to agree to limit emissions.245 Cas- tigating it for its greentech policies could foster a climate of distrust and delay further progress on a post-Kyoto agreement. For example, it would not take much for Senators who oppose international climate agreements to blame the Chinese as a reason for refusing to agree to any such agreement (a prerequisite for it to go into effect in the United States),246 as they al- ready have done once before with a resolution opposing ratification of the Kyoto Protocol.247 The rhetoric of a green energy race could give cover for this regrettable posturing. And this ideology makes environmental and economic collapse and resource wars inevitable Bristow (School of City and Regional Planning, Cardiff University) 10 (Gillian, Resilient regions: re-‘place’ing regional competitiveness, Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society 2010, 3, 153–167) In recent years, regional development strategies have been subjugated to the hegemonic discourse of competitiveness, such that the ultimate objective for all regional development policy-makers and practitioners has become the creation of economic advantage through superior productivity performance, or the attraction of new firms and labour (Bristow, 2005). A major consequence is the developing ‘ubiquitification’ of regional development strategies (Bristow, 2005; Maskell and Malmberg, 1999). This reflects the status of competitiveness as a key discursive construct (Jessop, 2008) that has acquired hugely significant rhetorical power for certain interests intent on reinforcing capitalist relations (Bristow, 2005; Fougner, 2006). Indeed, the competitiveness hegemony is such that many policies previously considered only indirectly relevant to unfettered economic growth tend to be hijacked in support of competitiveness agendas (for example Raco, 2008; also Dannestam, 2008). This paper will argue, however, that a particularly narrow discourse of ‘competitiveness’ has been constructed that has a number of negative connotations for the ‘resilience’ of regions. Resilience is defined as the region’s ability to experience positive economic success that is socially inclusive, works within environmental limits and which can ride global economic punches (Ashby et al., 2009). As such, resilience clearly resonates with literatures on sustainability, localisation and diversification, and the developing understanding of regions as intrinsically diverse entities with evolutionary and context-specific development trajectories (Hayter, 2004). In contrast, the dominant discourse of competitiveness is ‘placeless’ and increasingly associated with globalised, growth-first and environmentally malign agendas (Hudson, 2005). However, this paper will argue that the relationships between competitiveness and resilience are more complex than might at first appear. Using insights from the Cultural Political Economy (CPE) approach, which focuses on understanding the construction, development and spread of hegemonic policy discourses, the paper will argue that the dominant discourse of competitiveness used in regional development policy is narrowly constructed and is thus insensitive to contingencies of place and the more nuanced role of competition within economies. This leads to problems of resilience that can be partly overcome with the development of a more contextualised approach to competitiveness. The paper is now structured as follows. It begins by examining the developing understanding of resilience in the theorising and policy discourse around regional development. It then describes the CPE approach and utilises its framework to explain both how a narrow conception of competitiveness has come to dominate regional development policy and how resilience inter-plays in subtle and complex ways with competitiveness and its emerging critique. The paper then proceeds to illustrate what resilience means for regional development firstly, with reference to the Transition Towns concept, and then by developing a typology of regional strategies to show the different characteristics of policy approaches based on competitiveness and resilience. Regional resilience Resilience is rapidly emerging as an idea whose time has come in policy discourses around localities and regions, where it is developing widespread appeal owing to the peculiarly powerful combination of transformative pressures from below, and various catalytic, crisis-induced imperatives for change from above. It features strongly in policy discourses around environmental management and sustainable development (see Hudson, 2008a), but has also more recently emerged in relation to emergency and disaster planning with, for example ‘Regional Resilience Teams’ established in the English regions to support and co-ordinate civil protection activities around various emergency situations such as the threat of a swine flu pandemic. The discourse of resilience is also taking hold in discussions around desirable local and regional development activities and strategies. The recent global ‘credit crunch’ and the accompanying in-crease in livelihood insecurity has highlighted the advantages of those local and regional economies that have greater ‘resilience’ by virtue of being less dependent upon globally footloose activities, hav-ing greater economic diversity, and/or having a de-termination to prioritise and effect more significant structural change (Ashby et al, 2009; Larkin and Cooper, 2009). Indeed, resilience features particular strongly in the ‘grey’ literature spawned by thinktanks, consul-tancies and environmental interest groups around the consequences of the global recession, catastrophic climate change and the arrival of the era of peak oil for localities and regions with all its implications for the longevity of carbon-fuelled economies, cheap, long-distance transport and global trade. This popularly labelled ‘triple crunch’ (New Economics Foundation, 2008) has power-fully illuminated the potentially disastrous material consequences of the voracious growth imperative at the heart of neoliberalism and competitiveness, both in the form of resource constraints (especially food security) and in the inability of the current system to manage global financial and ecological sustainability. In so doing, it appears to be galvinising previously disparate, fractured debates about the merits of the current system, and challenging public and political opinion to develop a new, global concern with frugality, egalitarianism and localism (see, for example Jackson, 2009; New Economics Foundation, 2008). Our alternative is to reject the Aff’s endorsement of economic competition Rejecting competition is an act of economic imagination that can create real alternatives within the existing economy White and Williams (senior lecturer of economic geography at Sheffield Hallam University; professor of public policy in the Management School at the University of Sheffield) 12 (Richard J. and Cohn C., Escaping Capitalist Hegemony: Rereading Western Economies in The Accumulation of Freedom, pg. 131-32) The American anarchist Howard Ehrlich argued, "We must act as if the future is today." What we have hoped to demonstrate here is that non capitalist spaces are present and evident in contemporary societies. We do not need to imagine and create from scratch new economic alternatives that will successfully confront the capitalist hegemony thesis, or more properly the capitalist hegemony myth. Rather than capitalism being the all powerful, all conquering, economic juggernaut, the greater truth is that the "other" non capitalist spaces have grown in proportion relative in size to the capitalism realm. This should give many of us great comfort and hope in moving forward purposefully for, as Chomsky observed: "[a]lternatives have to be constructed within the existing economy, and within the minds of working people and communities."' In this regard, the roots of the heterodox economic futures that we desire do exist in the present. Far from shutting down future economic possibilities, a more accurate reading of "the economic" (which decenters capitalism), coupled with the global crisis that capitalism finds itself in, should give us additional courage and resolve to unleash our economic imaginations, embrace the challenge of creating "fully engaged" economies. These must also take greater account of the disastrous social and environmental costs of capitalism and its inherent ethic of competition. As Kropotkin wrote: Don't compete! competition is always injurious to the species, and you have plenty of resources to avoid it! Therefore combine practice mutual aid! That is the surest means for giving to each and all to the greatest safety, the best guarantee of existence and progress, bodily, intellectual, and moral .... That is what Nature teaches us; and that is what all those animals which have attained the highest position in the respective classes have done. That is also what man [ski the most primitive man has been doing; and that is why man has reached the position upon which we stand now." A more detailed and considered discussion of the futures of work, however, is beyond the scope of this chapter. What we have hoped to demonstrate is that in reimagining the economic, and recognizing and valuing the non capitalist economic practices that are already here, we might spark renewed enthusiasm, optimism, insight, and critical discussion within and among anarchist communities. The ambition here is similar to that of Gibson Graham, in arguing that: The objective is not to produce a finished and coherent template that maps the economy "as it really is" and presents... a ready made "alternative economy." Rather, our hope is to disarm and dislocate the naturalized dominance of the capitalist economy and make a space for new economic beeomings ones that we will need to work to produce. If we can recognize a diverse economy, we can begin to imagine and create diverse organizations and practices as powerful constituents of an enlivened noncapitalist policies of place.

And this ideology makes environmental and economic collapse and resource wars inevitable

Bristow (School of City and Regional Planning, Cardiff University) 10

(Gillian, Resilient regions: re-‘place’ing regional competitiveness, Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society 2010, 3, 153–167)

In recent years, regional development strategies have been subjugated to the hegemonic discourse of competitiveness, such that the ultimate objective for all regional development policy-makers and practitioners has become the creation of economic advantage through superior productivity performance, or the attraction of new firms and labour (Bristow, 2005). A major consequence is the developing ‘ubiquitification’ of regional development strategies (Bristow, 2005; Maskell and Malmberg, 1999). This reflects the status of competitiveness as a key discursive construct (Jessop, 2008) that has acquired hugely significant rhetorical power for certain interests intent on reinforcing capitalist relations (Bristow, 2005; Fougner, 2006). Indeed, the competitiveness hegemony is such that many policies previously considered only indirectly relevant to unfettered economic growth tend to be hijacked in support of competitiveness agendas (for example Raco, 2008; also Dannestam, 2008).  This paper will argue, however, that a particularly narrow discourse of ‘competitiveness’ has been constructed that has a number of negative connotations for the ‘resilience’ of regions. Resilience is defined as the region’s ability to experience positive economic success that is socially inclusive, works within environmental limits and which can ride global economic punches (Ashby et al., 2009). As such, resilience clearly resonates with literatures on sustainability, localisation and diversification, and the developing understanding of regions as intrinsically diverse entities with evolutionary and context-specific development trajectories (Hayter, 2004). In contrast, the dominant discourse of competitiveness is ‘placeless’ and increasingly associated with globalised, growth-first and environmentally malign agendas (Hudson, 2005).  However, this paper will argue that the relationships between competitiveness and resilience are more complex than might at first appear. Using insights from the Cultural Political Economy (CPE) approach, which focuses on understanding the construction, development and spread of hegemonic policy discourses, the paper will argue that the dominant discourse of competitiveness used in regional development policy is narrowly constructed and is thus insensitive to contingencies of place and the more nuanced role of competition within economies. This leads to problems of resilience that can be partly overcome with the development of a more contextualised approach to competitiveness. The paper is now structured as follows. It begins by examining the developing understanding of resilience in the theorising and policy discourse around regional development. It then describes the CPE approach and utilises its framework to explain both how a narrow conception of competitiveness has come to dominate regional development policy and how resilience inter-plays in subtle and complex ways with competitiveness and its emerging critique. The paper then proceeds to illustrate what resilience means for regional development firstly, with reference to the Transition Towns concept, and then by developing a typology of regional strategies to show the different characteristics of policy approaches based on competitiveness and resilience. Regional resilience Resilience is rapidly emerging as an idea whose time has come in policy discourses around localities and regions, where it is developing widespread appeal owing to the peculiarly powerful combination of transformative pressures from below, and various catalytic, crisis-induced imperatives for change from above. It features strongly in policy discourses around environmental management and sustainable development (see Hudson, 2008a), but has also more recently emerged in relation to emergency and disaster planning with, for example ‘Regional Resilience Teams’ established in the English regions to support and co-ordinate civil protection activities around various emergency situations such as the threat of a swine flu pandemic.  The discourse of resilience is also taking hold in discussions around desirable local and regional development activities and strategies. The recent global ‘credit crunch’ and the accompanying in-crease in livelihood insecurity has highlighted the advantages of those local and regional economies that have greater ‘resilience’ by virtue of being less dependent upon globally footloose activities, hav-ing greater economic diversity, and/or having a de-termination to prioritise and effect more significant structural change (Ashby et al, 2009; Larkin and Cooper, 2009). Indeed, resilience features particular strongly in the ‘grey’ literature spawned by thinktanks, consul-tancies and environmental interest groups around the consequences of the global recession, catastrophic climate change and the arrival of the era of peak oil for localities and regions with all its implications for the longevity of carbon-fuelled economies, cheap, long-distance transport and global trade. This popularly labelled ‘triple crunch’ (New Economics Foundation, 2008) has power-fully illuminated the potentially disastrous material consequences of the voracious growth imperative at the heart of neoliberalism and competitiveness, both in the form of resource constraints (especially food security) and in the inability of the current system to manage global financial and ecological sustainability. In so doing, it appears to be galvinising previously disparate, fractured debates about the merits of the current system, and challenging public and political opinion to develop a new, global concern with frugality, egalitarianism and localism (see, for example Jackson, 2009; New Economics Foundation, 2008). 

Our alternative is to reject the Aff’s endorsement of economic competition

Rejecting competition is an act of economic imagination that can create real alternatives within the existing economy

White and Williams (senior lecturer of economic geography at Sheffield Hallam University; professor of public policy in the Management School at the University of Sheffield) 12

(Richard J. and Cohn C., Escaping Capitalist Hegemony: Rereading Western Economies in The Accumulation of Freedom, pg. 131-32)

The American anarchist Howard Ehrlich argued, "We must act as if the future is today." What we have hoped to demonstrate here is that non‑capitalist spaces are present and evident in contemporary societies. We do not need to imagine and create from scratch new economic alternatives that will successfully confront the capitalist hegemony thesis, or more properly the capitalist hegemony myth. Rather than capitalism being the all powerful, all conquering, economic juggernaut, the greater truth is that the "other" non‑capitalist spaces have grown in proportion relative in size to the capitalism realm.

This should give many of us great comfort and hope in moving forward purposefully for, as Chomsky observed: "[a]lternatives have to be constructed within the existing economy, and within the minds of working people and communities."' In this regard, the roots of the heterodox economic futures that we desire do exist in the present. Far from shutting down future economic possibilities, a more accurate reading of "the economic" (which decenters capitalism), coupled with the global crisis that capitalism finds itself in, should give us additional courage and resolve to unleash our economic imaginations, embrace the challenge of creating "fully engaged" economies. These must also take greater account of the disastrous social and environmental costs of capitalism and its inherent ethic of competition. As Kropotkin wrote:

Don't compete!‑competition is always injurious to the species, and you have plenty of resources to avoid it! Therefore combine‑practice mutual aid! That is the surest means for giving to each and all to the greatest safety, the best guarantee of existence and progress, bodily, intellectual, and moral .... That is what Nature teaches us; and that is what all those animals which have attained the highest position in the respective classes have done. That is also what man [ski‑the most primitive man‑has been doing; and that is why man has reached the position upon which we stand now."

A more detailed and considered discussion of the futures of work, however, is beyond the scope of this chapter. What we have hoped to demonstrate is that in reimagining the economic, and recognizing and valuing the non‑capitalist economic practices that are already here, we might spark renewed enthusiasm, optimism, insight, and critical discussion within and among anarchist communities. The ambition here is similar to that of Gibson‑Graham, in arguing that:

The objective is not to produce a finished and coherent template that maps the economy "as it really is" and presents... a ready made "alternative economy." Rather, our hope is to disarm and dislocate the naturalized dominance of the capitalist economy and make a space for new economic beeomings‑ones that we will need to work to produce. If we can recognize a diverse economy, we can begin to imagine and create diverse organizations and practices as powerful constituents of an enlivened noncapitalist policies of place.

Tournament: Georgia State | Round: 6 | Opponent: George Washington SN | Judge: Herndon

China is pursuing energy efficiency, including shutting down coal plants – but energy costs are key

Power 12 (Dr. Thomas M. Power, University of Montana, Professor Emeritus)

(“The Greenhouse Gas Impact of Exporting Coal from the West Coast” http://www.sightline.org/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2012/02/Coal-Power-White-Paper.pdf)

4. China Has Tremendous Potential to Reduce Dependence on Coal, but Coal Exports from the U.S. Will Reduce Incentives to Capture that Potential 4.1 Chinese Efforts to Improve the Energy Efficiency of the Economy38 The Chinese government and the large state-owned enterprises that both produce, distribute, and use larger amounts of energy are well aware of the burden that high and rising energy costs can impose on the overall economy and the viability and success of individual enterprises. The energy policies embodied in the last several five-year plans have focused heavily on improving overall energy efficiency in order to effectively control energy costs. Like energy planners within government as well as within autonomous enterprises around the world, Chinese energy planners do not simply arbitrarily “make up” their energy efficiency targets. Rather they look at energy costs and the costs of implementing and operating different energy-using technologies and pursue the most cost-effective measures currently available. The value of the energy cost savings (along with potential environmental, health, and safety benefits) are weighted against the cost of the efficiency improvements. In that sense energy costs (including external social costs) drive the investment in efficiency. Past Chinese efforts to improve the energy efficiency of the economy have focused on:39 • Boosting the energy efficiency of coal-fired electric generation by building larger generating plants with more fuel efficient conversion of fuel into electricity, retrofitting older power plants, and shutting down small thermal plants with low thermal efficiency. These efforts reduced the coal used per kwh generated by almost a quarter between 1978 and 2008. • Increasing the energy efficiency of the electric transmission and distribution system resulting in almost a 30 percent reduction in line losses over the same time period. • Consolidating coal mining into larger enterprises that can make use of safer and more energy- and coal-efficient technologies. • Shutting down outdated production lines in major energy-using industrial sectors including, besides electricity and coal, steel, cement, non-ferrous metals, paper, and coke. Steel production in China, for instance, uses two to three times as much coke per ton of steel produced than the rest of the world and releases disproportionately larger volumes of greenhouse gases as a result.40 That is one of the reasons efforts are being made to close the many older, smaller, and less efficient steel production facilities.

US shift away from coal multiplies exports to China tenfold

de Place 11 (Eric de Place: Senior researcher, has investigated a wide range of research topics for Sightline, from property rights in Oregon, to regional climate policies. Before coming to Sightline, he worked for the Northwest Area Foundation developing strategies to alleviate poverty in rural communities. Sightline Institute is a not-for-profit research and communications center—a think tank—based in Seattle. Sightline’s mission is to make the Northwest a global model of sustainability—strong communities, a green economy, and a healthy environment.)

(September 2011 Sightline Institute. “Northwest Coal Exports” http://www.sightline.org/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2012/02/coal-FAQ.pdf)

In recent years, the US has exported only a few million tons of coal to Asia, and just a fraction of that to China.16 Even though the volume of Asia-bound coal increased during 2010 and early 2011, the two facilities proposed for Washington could easily multiply total American coal exports to China tenfold.17 Coal mining companies want to tap new markets as domestic utilities shift away from coal. Coal power in the US is facing economic competition from cleaner fuels, and older plants can’t meet modern pollution standards without expensive upgrades. In January 2011, Chevron announced it would sell its coal mines by the end of the year because staying in the industry was no longer a good business strategy.18 Over the last two years, utilities have announced plans to close more than three dozen outdated coal plants, including Oregon’s only coal-fired electricity plant at Boardman.19 Washington’s lone coal plant will close by 2025.20 At the same time that North American prospects are dimming, however, coal has been commanding higher prices in Asia.21 Coal mining companies are looking to overseas markets that lack strong pollution and health standards. Yet even exports to Asia will not save the industry. A July 2011 research report from Deutsche Bank argues that Chinese coal imports for power plants will stabilize at roughly 100 million tons per year, rather than increasing as many analysts had been expecting.22

US coal exports drive Chinese coal demand – domestic production can’t keep pace

Plumer 12 (Brad Plumer is a reporter focusing on energy and environmental issues. He was previously an associate editor at The New Republic.)

 “How the U.S. could influence China’s coal habits — with exports” http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/ezra-klein/post/can-the-united-states-influence-chinas-coal-habits/2012/05/01/gIQAgqUpuT_blog.html

Still, as a recent and fascinating report (pdf) from the Carnegie Endowment explains, Chinese coal imports are likely to grow enormously in the coming years. For one, Chinese coal use has been growing at a rate of nearly 6 percent each year. And China’s domestic production can’t keep pace, thanks to railroad and shipping bottlenecks from mining centers in Shanxi, Shaanxi and Inner Mongolia provinces. What’s more, the Carnegie report notes, the Chinese government is becoming increasingly sensitive to the ecological damage wrought by domestic coal mining — as well as to the growing number of protests over unsafe mining conditions. According to official statistics, 6,027 Chinese miners died in 2004, though the real number is probably higher. There are real costs to ramping up production in China. As a result, China will likely try to import a growing share of its coal in the coming years. Much of that will likely come from Indonesia and Australia, since China’s import infrastructure is geared toward those two regions. But many analysts expect the United States to play an increasingly crucial role in coming years. (To date, the U.S. has been supplying China with just small amounts of coking coal, which is used for iron and steel production and which is less readily available in China.) And if American coal starts pouring into China, that will help keep prices down. If that happens, Chinese power plants and factories will burn even more coal and use the stuff less efficiently than they otherwise would. Grist’s David Roberts points to a recent paper (pdf) by Thomas M. Power, a former economics professor at the University of Montana, finding that Chinese coal habits are highly sensitive to prices: Opening the Asian import market to dramatic increases in U.S. coal will drive down coal prices in that market. Several empirical studies of energy in China have demonstrated that coal consumption is highly sensitive to cost. One recent study found that a 10 percent reduction in coal cost would result in a 12 percent increase in coal consumption. Another found that over half of the gain in China’s “energy intensity” improvement during the 1990s was a response to prices. In other words, coal exports will mean cheaper coal in Asia, and cheaper coal means more coal will be burned than would otherwise be the case

Cheap coal leads to runaway warming – it locks in Chinese coal dependence for the next half century

Power 12 (Dr. Thomas M. Power, University of Montana, Professor Emeritus)

(“The Greenhouse Gas Impact of Exporting Coal from the West Coast” http://www.sightline.org/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2012/02/Coal-Power-White-Paper.pdf)

Although the economic life of coal-fired generators is often given as 30 or 35 years, a permitted, operating, electric generator is kept on line a lot longer than that, as long as 50 or more years through ongoing renovations and upgrades. Because of that long operating life, the impact of the lower Asian coal prices and costs triggered by PRB coal competing with other coal sources cannot be measured by the number of tons of coal exported each year. Those lower coal costs will lead to commitments to more coal being burned for a half-century going forward. That time-frame is very important. During exactly this time frame, the next half-century, the nations of the world will have to get their greenhouse gas emission stabilized and then reduced or the concentrations of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere may pass a point that will make it very difficult to avoid massive, ongoing, negative climate impacts. Taking actions now that encourage fifty-years of more coal consumption around the world is not a minor matter. Put more positively, allowing coal prices to rise (and more closely approximate their full cost, including “external” costs) will encourage extensive investments in improving the efficiency with which coal is used and the shift to cleaner sources of energy. This will lead to long-term reductions in greenhouse gas emissions that will also last well into the next half-century.57

[Skip if they read a warming impact] Chinese emissions lead to extinction

Nagle 11

John Copeland Nagle, Professor, Notre Dame Law School, 11, “How Much Should China Pollute?” 12 Vt. J. Envtl. L. 591,  http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/vermenl12anddiv=24andg_sent=1andcollection=journals [NOTE: This card includes footnote #8 – it is between the square brackets]

Third, the rest of the world suffers because of the inability of China and the United States to agree on a method for reducing their greenhouse gas emissions. Even if the rest of the world were to reach such an agreement, the failure to include China and the United States would doom the project from the start. Together, China and the United States account for forty-one percent of the world's greenhouse gas emissions.19 Left unchecked, China's emissions alone could result in many of the harms associated with climate change.20 That is why many observers believe that "[t]he decisions taken in Beijing, more than anywhere else, [will] determine whether humanity thrive[s] or perishe[s]."21

Pollution causes CCP collapse and nuclear war

Yee and Storey 2002 (Herbert Yee, Professor of Politics and International Relations at the Hong Kong Baptist University, and Ian Storey, Lecturer in Defence Studies at Deakin University, 2002 (The China Threat: Perceptions, Myths and Reality, RoutledgeCurzon, pg 5

The fourth factor contributing to the perception of a China threat is the fear of political and economic collapse in the PRC, resulting in territorial fragmentation, civil war and waves of refugees pouring into neighbouring countries. Naturally, any or all of these scenarios would have a profoundly negative impact on regional stability. Today the Chinese leadership faces a raft of internal problems, including the increasing political demands of its citizens, a growing population, a shortage of natural resources and a deterioration in the natural environment caused by rapid industrialisation and pollution. These problems are putting a strain on the central government's ability to govern effectively. Political disintegration or a Chinese civil war might result in millions of Chinese refugees seeking asylum in neighbouring countries. Such an unprecedented exodus of refugees from a collapsed PRC would no doubt put a severe strain on the limited resources of China's neighbours. A fragmented China could also result in another nightmare scenario - nuclear weapons falling into the hands of irresponsible local provincial leaders or warlords.'2 From this perspective, a disintegrating China would also pose a threat to its neighbours and the world.

Tournament: Georgia State | Round: 6 | Opponent: George Washington SN | Judge: Herndon
1NC Kritik
The Aff’s Discourse of Hegemonic Integration Rehashes The Geographies of Exclusion and Barbarism in Nicer Term - The Discourse of “Global Instability” Versus a Stable US Confirm the Hierarchy of Dominant US Identity.
Daavid Campbell et. al. 7, Prof. of Geography @ Durham, ‘7 [Political Geography 26, “Performing security: The imaginative geographies of current US strategy,” p. Wiley]

The concept of integration, invoked in different ways and in different measures by both Kagan and Barnett, is similarly at the heart of the current administration's foreign and domestic policies. The former Director of Policy at the US State Department, Richard Haass, articulated the central tenets of the concept when he wondered:      Is there a successor idea to containment? I think there is. It is the idea of integration. The goal of US foreign policy should be to persuade the other major powers to sign on to certain key ideas as to how the world should operate: opposition to terrorism and weapons of mass destruction, support for free trade, democracy, markets. Integration is about locking them into these policies and then building institutions that lock them in even more (Haass in Lemann, 1 April 2002, emphasis added).  That the US is no longer prepared to tolerate regimes that do not mirror its own democratic values and practices, and that it will seek to persuade such major powers to change their policies and behaviours to fit the American modus operandi, is not without historical precedent (Ambrosius, 2006). Nor does the differently imagined geography of integration replace completely previous Manichean conceptions of the world so familiar to Cold War politics. Rather, the proliferation of new terms of antipathy such as ‘axis of evil’, ‘rogue states’, and ‘terror cities’ demonstrate how integration goes hand in hand with – and is mutually constitutive of – new forms of division. Barnett's divide between the globalised world and the non-integrating gap is reflected and complemented by Kagan's divide in ways of dealing with this state of affairs. Much of this imagined geography pivots on the idea of ‘the homeland’. Indeed, in the imaginations of the security analysts we highlight here, there is a direct relationship and tension between securing the homeland's borders and challenging the sanctity of borders elsewhere (see Kaplan, 2003: 87).  Appreciating this dynamic requires us to trace some of the recent articulations of US strategy. Since September 11th 2001 the US government and military have issued a number of documents outlining their security strategy. Each recites, reiterates and resignifies both earlier strategic statements as well each other, creating a sense of boundedness and fixity which naturalizes a specific view of the world. Initially there was The National Strategy for Homeland Security (Office of Homeland Security, 2002), and then the much broader scope National Security Strategy (The White House, 2002b; see Der Derian, 2003). These were followed by the “National Strategy for Combating Terrorism” and particular plans for Military Strategy, Defense Strategy and the “Strategy for Homeland Defense and Civil Support” (Department of Defense, 2005a, Department of Defense, 2005b, Joint Chiefs of Staff, 2004 and The White House, 2002a). These are seen as an interlocking whole, where “the National Military Strategy (NMS) supports the aims of the National Security Strategy (NSS) and implements the National Defense Strategy (NDS)” (Joint Chiefs of Staff, 2004: 1); and the “Strategy for Homeland Defense and Civil Support” builds “upon the concept of an active, layered defense outlined in the National Defense Strategy” (Department of Defense, 2005b: iii; see also diagram on 6). The updated National Security Strategy (The White House, 2006) presents a further re-elaboration and re-stating of these principles.  As with the understandings we highlighted previously, it should be noted that key elements of these strategies pre-date September 11. Significant in this continuity is the link between the Bush administration's strategic view and the 1992 “Defense Planning Guidance” (DPG). Written for the administration of George H. W. Bush by Paul Wolfowitz and I. Lewis ‘Scooter’ Libby, the DPG was the first neoconservative security manifesto for the post-Cold War; a blue print for a one-superpower world in which the US had to be prepared to combat new regional threats and prevent the rise of a hegemonic competitor (Tyler, 8 March 1992; see Mann, 2004: 198ff, 212).  Initial versions of the DPG were deemed too controversial and were rewritten with input from then Defense Secretary Cheney and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs General Colin Powell (Tyler, 24 May 1992). Nonetheless, Cheney's version still declared that, “we must maintain the mechanism for deterring potential competitors from even aspiring to a larger regional or global role” (Cheney, 1993: 2).  What we find in this is the kernel of the policies implemented in the administration of George W. Bush, reworked through the Clinton period by such organizations as PNAC (discussed above). The assemblage of individuals and organizations – both inside and outside the formal state structures – running from the DPG, through PNAC to the plethora of Bush administration security texts cited above (all of which draw upon well-established US security dispositions in the post-World War II era) demonstrates the performative infrastructure through which certain ontological effects are established, and through which certain performances are made possible and can be understood.  As we argue throughout this paper, the distinctive thing about recent National Security Strategies is their deployment of integration as the principal foreign policy and security strategy. It is telling that Bush's claim of “either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists” (Bush, 2001) relies not on a straightforward binary, as is sometimes suggested, but a process of incorporation. It is not simply us versus them, but with us, a mode of operating alongside, or, in the words of one of Bush's most enthusiastic supporters, “shoulder to shoulder” (Blair, 2001; see White and Wintour, 2001). This works more widely through a combination of threats and promises, as in this statement about the Palestinians: “If Palestinians embrace democracy and the rule of law, confront corruption, and firmly reject terror, they can count on American support for the creation of a Palestinian state” (The White House, 2002b: 9). Likewise, it can be found in some of remarks of the British Prime Minister Blair (2004) about the significance of democracy in Afghanistan, Africa and Iraq. Equally Bush's notorious ‘axis of evil’ speech did not simply name North Korea, Iran and Iraq as its members, but suggested that “states like these, and their terrorist allies, constitute an axis of evil, arming to threaten the peace of the world” (Bush, 2002a, emphasis added). A comparison of the like, alongside the “with the terrorists” is actually a more complicated approach to the choosing of sides and the drawing of lines than is generally credited. Simple binary oppositions are less useful to an understanding here than the process of incorporation and the policy of integration.  These examples indicate the policy of integration or exclusion being adopted by the US and followed by certain allies. It warns those failing to adopt US values (principally liberal ‘representative’ democracy and market capitalism), that they will be excluded from an American-centric world. The place of US allies in these representations is not unimportant. Indeed, the strength of the US discourse relies also on its reflection and reiteration by other key allies, especially in Europe. Above and beyond the dismissive pronouncements of Rumsfeld about Europe's “Old” and “New” – a conception that was inchoately articulated as early as the 1992 DPG – the dissent of (even some) Europeans is a problem for the US in its world-making endeavours (see Bialasiewicz and Minca, 2005). It is not surprising, then, that following his re-election, George W. Bush and Condoleeza Rice embarked almost immediately on a “bridge-building” tour across Europe, noting not trans-Atlantic differences but “the great alliance of freedom” that unites the United States and Europe (Bush, 2005).  For although the United States may construct itself as the undisputed leader in the new global scenario, its “right” – and the right of its moral-political “mission” of spreading “freedom and justice” – relies on its amplification and support by allies. The construction of the United States' world role relies also on the selective placement and representation of other international actors who are “hailed” into specific subject positions (see Weldes, Laffey, Gusterson, and Duvall, 1999). Of course, different actors are granted different roles and different degrees of agency in the global script: the place of key European allies is different from that bestowed upon the peripheral and semi-peripheral states that make part of the “coalition of the willing”. Both, however, are vital in sustaining the representation of the US as the leader of a shared world of values and ideals. Indeed, the ‘lone superpower’ has little influence in the absence of support.  Another important dimension of integration as the key strategic concept is its dissolution of the inside/outside spatialization of security policy. The concluding lines of the “Strategy for Homeland Defense and Civil Support” are particularly telling. It contends that the Department of Defense can “no longer think in terms of the ‘home’ game and the ‘away’ game. There is only one game” (Department of Defense, 2005b: 40). In part this is directed at the previous failure to anticipate an attack from within: indeed, the Strategy remarks that the September 11th 2001 attacks “originated in US airspace and highlighted weaknesses in domestic radar coverage and interagency air defense coordination” (2005b: 22). In other words, the US needs to ensure the security of its homeland from within as much as without, to treat home as away. In part, however, such rhetoric also reflects a continuity with and reiteration of broader understandings with a much longer history, promoted by a range of US “intellectuals of statecraft” since the end of the Cold War: understandings that specified increasingly hard territorialisations of security and identity both at home and abroad to counter the “geopolitical vertigo” (see Ó Tuathail, 1996) of the post-bipolar era.  It is important to note here, moreover, that the 2002 National Security Strategy's affirmation that “today, the distinction between domestic and foreign affairs is diminishing” (The White House, 2002b: 30) also involves the US treating away as a home, or at least, as a concern. From this we can see how the pursuit of integration enables the territorial integrity of other sovereign states to be violated in its name, as specific places are targeted to either ensure or overcome their exclusion (see Elden, 2005). As an example, consider this statement, which recalls the late 1970s enunciation of an ‘arc of crisis’ stretching from the Horn of Africa through the Middle East to Afghanistan: “There exists an ‘arc of instability’ stretching from the Western Hemisphere, through Africa and the Middle East and extending to Asia. There are areas in this arc that serve as breeding grounds for threats to our interests. Within these areas rogue states provide sanctuary to terrorists, protecting them from surveillance and attack” (Joint Chiefs of Staff, 2004: 5).  In his foreword to the 2002 National Security Strategy, Bush declared that “We will defend the peace by fighting terrorists and tyrants. We will preserve the peace by building good relations among the great powers. We will extend the peace by encouraging free and open societies on every continent” (Bush, 2002b: i). This notion of extension is crucial in understanding the explicitly spatial overtones of this strategy of integration: more than merely about values, democracy and capitalism, it is about a performative geopolitics. Put crudely, it is about specifying the geographies of world politics; it is about specifying “the ways the world (now) is” – a presumably descriptive “geopolitical exercise” but that, as all such exercises, also implicitly contains the prescription for putting the world “right”. Imaginative geographies and popular geopolitics  As we have tried to argue, such elaborations of security rely upon the affirmation of certain understandings of the world within the context of which the strategies and understandings advanced by them are rendered believable. What is more, we have tried to highlight how such performances invoke earlier articulations, even as their reiteration changes them. More broadly, we stressed how such articulations provide the conditions of possibility for current – and future – action. Integration thus marks a new performative articulation in US security strategy, but it reworks rather than replaces earlier formulations. One of the ways in which this operates is that the ideal of integration, as we have seen, necessarily invokes the idea of exclusion. The imagined divide between the US ‘homeland’ and the threatening ‘frontier’ lands within the circle of Barnett's ‘Non-Integrating Gap’ thus recalls earlier iterations of ‘barbarism’ even if their identity and spatiality are produced by more than a simple self/other binary. In the final section of this essay, we will make some brief remarks regarding the disjuncture between the theory and the practice of the enactment of such imaginations. First, however, we would like to highlight some other ways in which these deployments of categories of inclusion and incorporation, on the one hand, and exclusion and targeting, on the other, are also performed in the popular geopolitical work done by a wide range of textual, visual, filmic and electronic media supportive of the ‘war on terror’ at home and abroad. These cultural practices resonate with the idea of fundamentally terrorist territories, whilst, at the same time rendering the ‘homeland’ zone of the continental US as a homogenous and virtuous ‘domestic’ community. Such wide-ranging and diffuse practices that are nonetheless imbricated with each other are further indications that we are dealing with performativity rather than construction in the production of imaginative geographies.

Securitization and its Mediation Ensures Total War and Genocide – Their Representations of [advantage/impacts] Ensure Astonishing Violence.
Karsten Friis, UN Sector @ the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, 2k [Peace and Conflict Studies 7.2, “From Liminars to Others: Securitization Through Myths,” http://shss.nova.edu/pcs/journalsPDF/V7N2.pdf#page=2]

The problem with societal securitization is one of representation. It is rarely clear in advance who it is that speaks for a community. There is no system of representation as in a state. Since literately anyone can stand up as representatives, there is room for entrepreneurs. It is not surprising if we experience a struggle between different representatives and also their different representations of the society. What they do share, however, is a conviction that they are best at providing (a new) order. If they can do this convincingly, they gain legitimacy. What must be done is to make the uncertain certain and make the unknown an object of knowledge. To present a discernable Other is a way of doing this. The Other is represented as an Other -- as an unified single actor with a similar unquestionable set of core values (i.e. the capital “O”). They are objectified, made into an object of knowledge, by re-presentation of their identity and values. In other words, the representation of the Other is depoliticized in the sense that its inner qualities are treated as given and non-negotiable. In Jef Huysmans (1998:241) words, there is both a need for a mediation of chaos as well as of threat. A mediation of chaos is more basic than a mediation of threat, as it implies making chaos into a meaningful order by a convincing representation of the Self and its surroundings. It is a mediation of “ontological security”, which means “...a strategy of managing the limits of reflexivity ... by fixing social relations into a symbolic and institutional order” (Huysmans 1998:242). As he and others (like Hansen 1998:240) have pointed out, the importance of a threat construction for political identification, is often overstated. The mediation of chaos, of being the provider of order in general, is just as important. This may imply naming an Other but not necessarily as a threat. Such a dichotomization implies a necessity to get rid of all the liminars (what Huysmans calls “strangers”). This is because they “...connote a challenge to categorizing practices through the impossibility of being categorized”, and does not threaten the community, “...but the possibility of ordering itself” (Huysmans 1998:241). They are a challenge to the entrepreneur by their very existence. They confuse the dichotomy of Self and Other and thereby the entrepreneur’s mediation of chaos. As mentioned, a liminar can for instance be people of mixed ethnical ancestry but also representations of competing world-pictures. As Eide (1998:76) notes: “Over and over again we see that the “liberals” within a group undergoing a mobilisation process for group conflict are the first ones to go”. The liminars threaten the ontological order of the entrepreneur by challenging his representation of Self and Other and his mediation of chaos, which ultimately undermines the legitimacy of his policy. The liminars may be securitized by some sort of disciplination, from suppression of cultural symbols to ethnic cleansing and expatriation. This is a threat to the ontological order of the entrepreneur, stemming from inside and thus repoliticizing the inside/outside dichotomy. Therefore the liminar must disappear. It must be made into a Self, as several minority groups throughout the world have experienced, or it must be forced out of the territory. A liminar may also become an Other, as its connection to the Self is cut and their former common culture is renounced and made insignificant. In Anne Norton’s (1988:55) words, “The presence of difference in the ambiguous other leads to its classification as wholly unlike and identifies it unqualifiedly with the archetypal other, denying the resemblance to the self.” Then the liminar is no longer an ontological danger (chaos), but what Huysmans (1998:242) calls a mediation of “daily security”. This is not challenging the order or the system as such but has become a visible, clear-cut Other. In places like Bosnia, this naming and replacement of an Other, has been regarded by the securitizing actors as the solution to the ontological problem they have posed. Securitization was not considered a political move, in the sense that there were any choices. It was a necessity: Securitization was a solution based on a depoliticized ontology.10 This way the world-picture of the securitizing actor is not only a representation but also made into reality. The mythical second-order language is made into first-order language, and its “innocent” reality is forced upon the world. To the entrepreneurs and other actors involved it has become a “natural” necessity with a need to make order, even if it implies making the world match the map. Maybe that is why war against liminars are so often total; it attempts a total expatriation or a total “solution” (like the Holocaust) and not only a victory on the battlefield. If the enemy is not even considered a legitimate Other, the door may be more open to a kind of violence that is way beyond any war conventions, any jus in bello. This way, securitizing is legitimized: The entrepreneur has succeeded both in launching his world-view and in prescribing the necessary measures taken against it. This is possible by using the myths, by speaking on behalf of the natural and eternal, where truth is never questioned. 

Alternative – Reject The Affirmative’s Security Logic – This Allows for Actual Political Thought – Accepting Their Descriptions and Responses Colonizes the Debate.
Mark Neocleous, Prof. of Government @ Brunel, 2008 [Critique of Security, 185-6]
The only way out of such a dilemma, to escape the fetish, is perhaps to eschew the logic of security altogether - to reject it as so ideologically loaded in favour of the state that any real political thought other than the authoritarian and reactionary should be pressed to give it up. That is clearly something that can not be achieved within the limits of bourgeois thought and thus could never even begin to be imagined by the security intellectual. It is also something that the constant iteration of the refrain 'this is an insecure world' and reiteration of one fear, anxiety and insecurity after another will also make it hard to do. But it is something that the critique of security suggests we may have to consider if we want a political way out of the impasse of security.  This impasse exists because security has now become so all-encompassing that it marginalises all else, most notably the constructive conflicts, debates and discussions that animate political life. The constant prioritising of a mythical security as a political end - as the political end constitutes a rejection of politics in any meaningful sense of the term. That is, as a mode of action in which differences can be articulated, in which the conflicts and struggles that arise from such differences can be fought for and negotiated, in which people might come to believe that another world is possible - that they might transform the world and in turn be transformed. Security politics simply removes this; worse, it remoeves it while purportedly addressing it. In so doing it suppresses all issues of power and turns political questions into debates about the most efficient way to achieve 'security', despite the fact that we are never quite told - never could be told - what might count as having achieved it. Security politics is, in this sense, an anti-politics,"' dominating political discourse in much the same manner as the security state tries to dominate human beings, reinforcing security fetishism and the monopolistic character of security on the political imagination. We therefore need to get beyond security politics, not add yet more 'sectors' to it in a way that simply expands the scope of the state and legitimises state intervention in yet more and more areas of our lives.  Simon Dalby reports a personal communication with Michael Williams, co-editor of the important text Critical Security Studies, in which the latter asks: if you take away security, what do you put in the hole that's left behind? But I'm inclined to agree with Dalby: maybe there is no hole."' The mistake has been to think that there is a hole and that this hole needs to be filled with a new vision or revision of security in which it is re-mapped or civilised or gendered or humanised or expanded or whatever. All of these ultimately remain within the statist political imaginary, and consequently end up reaffirming the state as the terrain of modern politics, the grounds of security. The real task is not to fill the supposed hole with yet another vision of security, but to fight for an alternative political language which takes us beyond the narrow horizon of bourgeois security and which therefore does not constantly throw us into the arms of the state. That's the point of critical politics: to develop a new political language more adequate to the kind of society we want. Thus while much of what I have said here has been of a negative order, part of the tradition of critical theory is that the negative may be as significant as the positive in setting thought on new paths.  For if security really is the supreme concept of bourgeois society and the fundamental thematic of liberalism, then to keep harping on about insecurity and to keep demanding 'more security' (while meekly hoping that this increased security doesn't damage our liberty) is to blind ourselves to the possibility of building real alternatives to the authoritarian tendencies in contemporary politics. To situate ourselves against security politics would allow us to circumvent the debilitating effect achieved through the constant securitising of social and political issues, debilitating in the sense that 'security' helps consolidate the power of the existing forms of social domination and justifies the short-circuiting of even the most democratic forms. It would also allow us to forge another kind of politics centred on a different conception of the good. We need a new way of thinking and talking about social being and politics that moves us beyond security. This would perhaps be emancipatory in the true sense of the word. What this might mean, precisely, must be open to debate. But it certainly requires recognising that security is an illusion that has forgotten it is an illusion; it requires recognising that security is not the same as solidarity; it requires accepting that insecurity is part of the human condition, and thus giving up the search for the certainty of security and instead learning to tolerate the uncertainties, ambiguities and 'insecurities' that come with being human; it requires accepting that 'securitizing' an issue does not mean dealing with it politically, but bracketing it out and handing it to the state; it requires us to be brave enough to return the gift."'

Tournament: Georgia State | Round: 3 | Opponent: James Madison MY | Judge: Adam Garen
The aff’s failure to advance a defense of the federal government enacting a substantive energy policy undermines debate’s transformative and intellectual potential

Advocacy Skills

effective deliberation requires a forum of discussion that facilitates political agonism and the capacity to substantively engage the topic at hand---in short, a forum of switch side debate where the negative can predict and respond to the aff is the most intellectually effective---this is crucial to affecting productive change in all facets of life---the process in this instance is more important than the substance of their advocacy
Amy Gutmann 96 is the president of Penn and former prof @ Princeton, AND Dennis Thompson is Alfred North Whitehead Professor of Political Philosophy at Harvard University, Democracy and Disagreement, pp 1
OF THE CHALLENGES that American democracy faces today, none is more formidable than the problem of moral disagreement. Neither the theory nor the practice of democratic politics has so far found an adequate way to cope with conflicts about fundamental values. We address the challenge of moral disagreement here by developing a conception of democracy that secures a central place for moral discussion in political life.
Along with a growing number of other political theorists, we call this conception deliberative democracy. The core idea is simple: when citizens or their representatives disagree morally, they should continue to reason together to reach mutually acceptable decisions. But the meaning and implications of the idea are complex. Although the idea has a long history, it is still in search of a theory. We do not claim that this book provides a comprehensive theory of deliberative democracy, but we do hope that it contributes toward its future development by showing the kind of delib-eration that is possible and desirable in the face of moral disagreement in democracies.
Some scholars have criticized liberal political theory for neglecting moral deliberation. Others have analyzed the philosophical foundations of deliberative democracy, and still others have begun to explore institutional reforms that would promote deliberation. Yet nearly all of them stop at the point where deliberation itself begins. None has systematically examined the substance of deliberation—the theoretical principles that should guide moral argument and their implications for actual moral disagreements about public policy. That is our subject, and it takes us into the everyday forums of democratic politics, where moral argument regularly appears but where theoretical analysis too rarely goes.
Deliberative democracy involves reasoning about politics, and nothing has been more controversial in political philosophy than the nature of reason in politics. We do not believe that these controversies have to be settled before deliberative principles can guide the practice of democracy. Since on occasion citizens and their representatives already engage in the kind of reasoning that those principles recommend, deliberative democracy simply asks that they do so more consistently and comprehensively. The best way to prove the value of this kind of reasoning is to show its role in arguments about specific principles and policies, and its contribu¬tion to actual political debates. That is also ultimately the best justification for our conception of deliberative democracy itself. But to forestall pos¬sible misunderstandings of our conception of deliberative democracy, we offer some preliminary remarks about the scope and method of this book.
The aim of the moral reasoning that our deliberative democracy pre-scribes falls between impartiality, which requires something like altruism, and prudence, which demands no more than enlightened self-interest. Its first principle is reciprocity, the subject of Chapter 2, but no less essential are the other principles developed in later chapters. When citizens reason reciprocally, they seek fair terms of social cooperation for their own sake; they try to find mutually acceptable ways of resolving moral disagreements.
The precise content of reciprocity is difficult to determine in theory, but its general countenance is familiar enough in practice. It can be seen in the difference between acting in one's self-interest (say, taking advantage of a legal loophole or a lucky break) and acting fairly (following rules in the spirit that one expects others to adopt). In many of the controversies dis-cussed later in the book, the possibility of any morally acceptable resolution depends on citizens' reasoning beyond their narrow self-interest and considering what can be justified to people who reasonably disagree with them. Even though the quality of deliberation and the conditions under which it is conducted are far from ideal in the controversies we consider, the fact that in each case some citizens and some officials make arguments consistent with reciprocity suggests that a deliberative perspective is not Utopian.
To clarify what reciprocity might demand under non-ideal conditions, we develop a distinction between deliberative and nondeliberative disa-greement. Citizens who reason reciprocally can recognize that a position is worthy of moral respect even when they think it morally wrong. They can believe that a moderate pro-life position on abortion, for example, is morally respectable even though they think it morally mistaken. (The abortion example—to which we often return in the book—is meant to be illustrative. For readers who deny that there is any room for deliberative disagreement on abortion, other political controversies can make the same point.) The presence of deliberative disagreement has important implications for how citizens treat one another and for what policies they should adopt. When a disagreement is not deliberative (for example, about a policy to legalize discrimination against blacks and women), citizens do not have any obligations of mutual respect toward their opponents. In deliberative disagreement (for example, about legalizing abortion), citizens should try to accommodate the moral convictions of their opponents to the greatest extent possible, without compromising their own moral convictions. We call this kind of accommodation an economy of moral disagreement, and believe that, though neglected in theory and practice, it is essential to a morally robust democratic life.
Although both of us have devoted some of our professional life to urging these ideas on public officials and our fellow citizens in forums of practical politics, this book is primarily the product of scholarly rather than political deliberation. Insofar as it reaches beyond the academic community, it is addressed to citizens and officials in their more reflective frame of mind. Given its academic origins, some readers may be inclined to complain that only professors could be so unrealistic as to believe that moral reasoning can help solve political problems. But such a complaint would misrepresent our aims.
To begin with, we do not think that academic discussion (whether in scholarly journals or college classrooms) is a model for moral deliberation in politics. Academic discussion need not aim at justifying a practical decision, as deliberation must. Partly for this reason, academic discussion is likely to be insensitive to the contexts of ordinary politics: the pressures of power, the problems of inequality, the demands of diversity, the exigencies of persuasion. Some critics of deliberative democracy show a similar insensitivity when they judge actual political deliberations by the standards of ideal philosophical reflection. Actual deliberation is inevitably defective, but so is philosophical reflection practiced in politics. The appropriate comparison is between the ideals of democratic deliberation and philosophical reflection, or between the application of each in the non-ideal circumstances of politics.
We do not assume that politics should be a realm where the logical syllogism rules. Nor do we expect even the more appropriate standard of mutual respect always to prevail in politics. A deliberative perspective sometimes justifies bargaining, negotiation, force, and even violence. It is partly because moral argument has so much unrealized potential in dem-ocratic politics that we believe it deserves more attention. Because its place in politics is so precarious, the need to find it a more secure home and to nourish its development is all the more pressing. Yet because it is also already part of our common experience, we have reason to hope that it can survive and even prosper if philosophers along with citizens and public officials better appreciate its value in politics.
Some readers may still wonder why deliberation should have such a prominent place in democracy. Surely, they may say, citizens should care more about the justice of public policies than the process by which they are adopted, at least so long as the process is basically fair and at least minimally democratic. One of our main aims in this book is to cast doubt on the dichotomy between policies and process that this concern assumes. Having good reason as individuals to believe that a policy is just does not mean that collectively as citizens we have sufficient justification to legislate on the basis of those reasons. The moral authority of collective judgments about policy depends in part on the moral quality of the process by which citizens collectively reach those judgments. Deliberation is the most appropriate way for citizens collectively to resolve their moral disagreements not only about policies but also about the process by which policies should be adopted. Deliberation is not only a means to an end, but also a means for deciding what means are morally required to pursue our common ends.

Effective deliberation is crucial to personal agency and is only possible in a switch-side debate format where debaters divorce themselves from ideology---this is vital to preventing mass violence and genocide
Patricia Roberts-Miller 3 is Associate Professor of Rhetoric at the University of Texas "Fighting Without Hatred:Hannah Ar endt ' s Agonistic Rhetoric" JAC 22.2 2003
Totalitarianism and the Competitive Space of Agonism
Arendt is probably most famous for her analysis of totalitarianism (especially her The Origins of Totalitarianism andEichmann in Jerusa¬lem), but the recent attention has been on her criticism of mass culture (The Human Condition). Arendt's main criticism of the current human condition is that the common world of deliberate and joint action is fragmented into solipsistic and unreflective behavior. In an especially lovely passage, she says that in mass society people are all imprisoned in the subjectivity of their own singular experience, which does not cease to be singular if the same experience is multiplied innumerable times. The end of the common world has come when it is seen only under one aspect and is permitted to present itself in only one perspective. (Human 58)
What Arendt so beautifully describes is that isolation and individualism are not corollaries, and may even be antithetical because obsession with one's own self and the particularities of one's life prevents one from engaging in conscious, deliberate, collective action. Individuality, unlike isolation, depends upon a collective with whom one argues in order to direct the common life. Self-obsession, even (especially?) when coupled with isolation from one' s community is far from apolitical; it has political consequences. Perhaps a better way to put it is that it is political precisely because it aspires to be apolitical. This fragmented world in which many people live simultaneously and even similarly but not exactly together is what Arendt calls the "social."
Arendt does not mean that group behavior is impossible in the realm of the social, but that social behavior consists "in some way of isolated individuals, incapable of solidarity or mutuality, who abdicate their human capacities and responsibilities to a projected 'they' or 'it,' with disastrous consequences, both for other people and eventually for themselves" (Pitkin 79). One can behave, butnot act. For someone like Arendt, a German-assimilated Jew, one of the most frightening aspects of the Holocaust was the ease with which a people who had not been extraordinarily anti-Semitic could be put to work industriously and efficiently on the genocide of the Jews. And what was striking about the perpetrators of the genocide, ranging from minor functionaries who facilitated the murder transports up to major figures on trial at Nuremberg, was their constant and apparently sincere insistence that they were not responsible. For Arendt, this was not a peculiarity of the German people, but of the current human and heavily bureaucratic condition of twentieth-century culture: we do not consciously choose to engage in life's activities; we drift into them, or we do them out of a desire to conform. Even while we do them, we do not acknowledge an active, willed choice to do them; instead, we attribute our behavior to necessity, and we perceive ourselves as determined—determined by circumstance, by accident, by what "they" tell us to do. We do something from within the anonymity of a mob that we would never do as an individual; we do things for which we will not take responsibility. Yet, whether or not people acknowledge responsibil¬ity for the consequences of their actions, those consequences exist. Refusing to accept responsibility can even make those consequences worse, in that the people who enact the actions in question, because they do not admit their own agency, cannot be persuaded to stop those actions. They are simply doing their jobs. In a totalitarian system, however, everyone is simply doing his or her job; there never seems to be anyone who can explain, defend, and change the policies. Thus, it is, as Arendt says, rule by nobody.
It is illustrative to contrast Arendt's attitude toward discourse to Habermas'. While both are critical of modern bureaucratic and totalitar¬ian systems, Arendt's solution is the playful and competitive space of agonism; it is not the rational-critical public sphere. The "actual content of political life" is "the joy and the gratification that arise out of being in company with our peers, out of acting together and appearing in public, out of inserting ourselves into the world by word and deed, thus acquiring and sustaining our personal identity and beginning something entirely new" ("Truth" 263). According to Seyla Benhabib, Arendt's public realm emphasizes the assumption of competition, and it "represents that space of appearances in which moral and political greatness, heroism, and preeminence are revealed, displayed, shared with others. This is a competitive space in which one competes for recognition, precedence, and acclaim" (78). These qualities are displayed, but not entirely for purposes of acclamation; they are not displays of one's self, but of ideas and arguments, of one's thought. When Arendt discusses Socrates' thinking in public, she emphasizes his performance: "He performed in the marketplace the way the flute-player performed at a banquet. It is sheer performance, sheer activity"; nevertheless, it was thinking: "What he actually did was to make public, in discourse, the thinking process" {Lectures 37). Pitkin summarizes this point: "Arendt says that the heroism associated with politics is not the mythical machismo of ancient Greece but something more like the existential leap into action and public exposure" (175-76). Just as it is not machismo, although it does have considerable ego involved, so it is not instrumental rationality; Arendt's discussion of the kinds of discourse involved in public action include myths, stories, and personal narratives.
Furthermore, the competition is not ruthless; it does not imply a willingness to triumph at all costs. Instead, it involves something like having such a passion for ideas and politics that one is willing to take risks. One tries to articulate the best argument, propose the best policy, design the best laws, make the best response. This is a risk in that one might lose; advancing an argument means that one must be open to the criticisms others will make of it. The situation is agonistic not because the participants manufacture or seek conflict, but because conflict is a necessary consequence of difference. This attitude is reminiscent of Kenneth Burke, who did not try to find a language free of domination but who instead theorized a way that the very tendency toward hierarchy in language might be used against itself (for more on this argument, see Kastely). Similarly, Arendt does not propose a public realm of neutral, rational beings who escape differences to live in the discourse of universals; she envisions one of different people who argue with passion, vehemence, and integrity.
Continued…
Eichmann perfectly exemplified what Arendt famously called the "banal¬ity of evil" but that might be better thought of as the bureaucratization of evil (or, as a friend once aptly put it, the evil of banality). That is, he was able to engage in mass murder because he was able not to think about it, especially not from the perspective of the victims, and he was able to exempt himself from personal responsibility by telling himself (and anyone else who would listen) that he was just following orders. It was the bureaucratic system that enabled him to do both. He was not exactly passive; he was, on the contrary, very aggressive in trying to do his duty. He behaved with the "ruthless, competitive exploitation" and "inauthen-tic, self-disparaging conformism" that characterizes those who people totalitarian systems (Pitkin 87).
Arendt's theorizing of totalitarianism has been justly noted as one of her strongest contributions to philosophy. She saw that a situation like Nazi Germany is different from the conventional understanding of a tyranny. Pitkin writes,
Totalitarianism cannot be understood, like earlier forms of domination, as the ruthless exploitation of some people by others, whether the motive be selfish calculation, irrational passion, or devotion to some cause. Understanding totalitarianism's essential nature requires solving the central mystery of the holocaust—the objectively useless and indeed dysfunctional, fanatical pursuit of a purely ideological policy, a pointless process to which the people enacting it have fallen captive. (87)
Totalitarianism is closely connected to bureaucracy; it is oppression by rules, rather than by people who have willfully chosen to establish certain rules. It is the triumph of the social.
Critics (both friendly and hostile) have paid considerable attention to Arendt's category of the "social," largely because, despite spending so much time on the notion, Arendt remains vague on certain aspects of it. Pitkin appropriately compares Arendt's concept of the social to the Blob, the type of monster that figured in so many post-war horror movies. That Blob was "an evil monster from outer space, entirely external to and separate from us [that] had fallen upon us intent on debilitating, absorb¬ing, and ultimately destroying us, gobbling up our distinct individuality and turning us into robots that mechanically serve its purposes" (4).
Pitkin is critical of this version of the "social" and suggests that Arendt meant (or perhaps should have meant) something much more complicated. The simplistic version of the social-as-Blob can itself be an instance of Blob thinking; Pitkin's criticism is that Arendt talks at times as though the social comes from outside of us and has fallen upon us, turning us into robots. Yet, Arendt's major criticism of the social is that it involves seeing ourselves as victimized by something that comes from outside our own behavior. I agree with Pitkin that Arendt's most powerful descriptions of the social (and the other concepts similar to it, such as her discussion of totalitarianism, imperialism, Eichmann, and parvenus) emphasize that these processes are not entirely out of our control but that they happen to us when, and because, we keep refusing to make active choices. We create the social through negligence. It is not the sort of force in a Sorcerer's Apprentice, which once let loose cannot be stopped; on the contrary, it continues to exist because we structure our world to reward social behavior. Pitkin writes, "From childhood on, in virtually all our institutions, we reward euphemism, salesmanship, slo¬gans, and we punish and suppress truth-telling, originality, thoughtful-ness. So we continually cultivate ways of (not) thinking that induce the social" (274). I want to emphasize this point, as it is important for thinking about criticisms of some forms of the social construction of knowledge: denying our own agency is what enables the social to thrive. To put it another way, theories of powerlessness are self-fulfilling prophecies.
Arendt grants that there are people who willed the Holocaust, but she insists that totalitarian systems result not so much from the Hitlers or Stalins as from the bureaucrats who may or may not agree with the established ideology but who enforce the rules for no stronger motive than a desire to avoid trouble with their superiors (see Eichmann and Life). They do not think about what they do. One might prevent such occurrences—or, at least, resist the modern tendency toward totalitarian¬ism—by thought: "critical thought is in principle anti-authoritarian" (Lectures 38).
By "thought" Arendt does not mean eremitic contemplation; in fact, she has great contempt for what she calls "professional thinkers," refusing herself to become a philosopher or to call her work philosophy. Young-Bruehl, Benhabib, and Pitkin have each said that Heidegger represented just such a professional thinker for Arendt, and his embrace of Nazism epitomized the genuine dangers such "thinking" can pose (see Arendt's "Heidegger"). "Thinking" is not typified by the isolated con¬templation of philosophers; it requires the arguments of others and close attention to the truth. It is easy to overstate either part of that harmony. One must consider carefully the arguments and viewpoints of others:
Political thought is representative. I form an opinion by considering a given issue from different viewpoints, by making present to my mind the standpoints of those who are absent; that is, I represent them. This process of representation does not blindly adopt the actual views of those who stand somewhere else, and hence look upon the world from a different perspective; this is a question neither of empathy, as though I tried to be or to feel like somebody else, nor of counting noses and joining a majority but of being and thinking in my own identity where actually I am not. The more people's standpoints I have present in my mind while I am ponder¬ing a given issue, and the better I can imagine how I would feel and think if I were in their place, the stronger will be my capacity for represen¬tative thinking and the more valid my final conclusions, my opinion. ("Truth" 241)
There are two points to emphasize in this wonderful passage. First, one does not get these standpoints in one's mind through imagining them, but through listening to them; thus, good thinking requires that one hear the arguments of other people. Hence, as Arendt says, "critical thinking, while still a solitary business, does not cut itself off from' all others.'" Thinking is, in this view, necessarily public discourse: critical thinking is possible "only where the standpoints of all others are open to inspection" (Lectures 43). Yet, it is not a discourse in which one simply announces one's stance; participants are interlocutors and not just speakers; they must listen. Unlike many current versions of public discourse, this view presumes that speech matters. It is not asymmetric manipulation of others, nor merely an economic exchange; it must be a world into which one enters and by which one might be changed.
Second, passages like the above make some readers think that Arendt puts too much faith in discourse and too little in truth (see Habermas). But Arendt is no crude relativist; she believes in truth, and she believes that there are facts that can be more or less distorted. She does not believe that reality is constructed by discourse, or that truth is indistinguishable from falsehood. She insists tha^ the truth has a different pull on us and, consequently, that it has a difficult place in the world of the political. Facts are different from falsehood because, while they can be distorted or denied, especially when they are inconvenient for the powerful, they also have a certain positive force that falsehood lacks: "Truth, though powerless and always defe ated in a head-on clash with the powers that be, possesses a strength of its own: whatever those in power may contrive, they are unable to discover or invent a viable substitute for it. Persuasion and violence can destroy truth, but they cannot replace it" ("Truth" 259).
Facts have a strangely resilient quality partially because a lie "tears, as it were, a hole in the fabric of factuality. As every historian knows, one can spot a lie by noticing incongruities, holes, or the j unctures of patched-up places" ("Truth" 253). While she is sometimes discouraging about our ability to see the tears in the fabric, citing the capacity of totalitarian governments to create the whole cloth (see "Truth" 252-54), she is also sometimes optimistic. InEichmann in Jerusalem, she repeats the story of Anton Schmidt—a man who saved the lives of Jews—and concludes that such stories cannot be silenced (230-32). For facts to exert power in the common world, however, these stories must be told. Rational truth (such as principles of mathematics) might be perceptible and demonstrable through individual contemplation, but "factual truth, on the contrary, is always related to other people: it concerns events and circumstances in which many are involved; it is established by witnesses and depends upon testimony; it exists only to the extent that it is spoken about, even if it occurs in the domain of privacy. It is political by nature" (23 8). Arendt is neither a positivist who posits an autonomous individual who can correctly perceive truth, nor a relativist who positively asserts the inherent relativism of all perception. Her description of how truth functions does not fall anywhere in the three-part expeditio so prevalent in bothrhetoric and philosophy: it is not expressivist, positivist, or social constructivist. Good thinking depends upon good public argument, and good public argument depends upon access to facts: "Freedom of opinion is a farce unless factual information is guaranteed" (238).
The sort of thinking that Arendt propounds takes the form of action only when it is public argument, and, as such, it is particularly precious: "For if no other test but the experience of being active, no other measure but the extent of sheer activity were to be applied to the various activities within the vita activa, it might well be that thinking as such would surpass them all" (Human 325). Arendt insists that it is "the same general rule— Do not contradict yourself (not your self but your thinking ego)—that determines both thinking and acting" (Lectures 3 7). In place of the mildly resentful conformism that fuels totalitarianism, Arendt proposes what Pitkin calls "a tough-minded, open-eyed readiness to perceive and judge reality for oneself, in terms of concrete experience and independent, critical theorizing" (274). The paradoxical nature of agonism (that it must involve both individuality and commonality) makes it difficult to maintain, as the temptation is great either to think one's own thoughts without reference to anyone else or to let others do one's thinking.
Arendt's Polemical Agonism
As I said, agonism does have its advocates within rhetoric—Burke, Ong, Sloane, Gage, and Jarratt, for instance—but while each of these theorists proposes a form of conflictual argument, not one of these is as adversarial as Arendt's. Agonism can emphasize persuasion, as does John Gage's textbook The Shape of Reason or William Brandt et al.'s The Craft of Writing. That is, the goal of the argument is to identify the disagreement and then construct a text that gains the assent of the audience. This is not the same as what Gage (citing Thomas Conley) calls "asymmetrical theories of rhetoric": theories that "presuppose an active speaker and a passive audience, a speaker whose rhetorical task is therefore to do something to that audience" ("Reasoned" 6). Asymmetric rhetoric is not and cannot be agonistic. Persuasive agonism still values conflict, disagreement, and equality among interlocutors, but it has the goal of reaching agreement, as when Gage says that the process of argument should enable one's reasons to be "understood and believed" by others (Shape 5; emphasis added).
Arendt's version is what one might call polemical agonism: it puts less emphasis on gaining assent, and it is exemplified both in Arendt's own writing and in Donald Lazere's "Ground Rules for Polemicists" and "Teaching the Political Conflicts." Both forms of agonism (persuasive and polemical) require substantive debate at two points in a long and recursive process. First, one engages in debate in order to invent one's argument; even silent thinking is a "dialogue of myself with myself (Lectures 40). The difference between the two approaches to agonism is clearest when one presents an argument to an audience assumed to be an opposition. In persuasive agonism, one plays down conflict and moves through reasons to try to persuade one's audience. In polemical agonism, however, one's intention is not necessarily to prove one's case, but to make public one' s thought in order to test it. In this way, communicability serves the same function in philosophy that replicability serves in the sciences; it is how one tests the validity of one's thought. In persuasive agonism, success is achieved through persuasion; in polemical agonism, success may be marked through the quality of subsequent controversy.
Arendt quotes from a letter Kant wrote on this point:
You know that I do not approach reasonable objections with the intention merely of refuting them, but that in thinking them over I always weave them into my judgments, and afford them the opportunity of overturning all my most cherished beliefs. I entertain the hope that by thus viewing my judgments impartially from the standpoint of others some third view that will improve upon my previous insight may be obtainable. {Lectures 42)
Kant's use of "impartial" here is interesting: he is not describing a stance that is free of all perspective; it is impartial only in the sense that it is not his own view. This is the same way that Arendt uses the term; she does not advocate any kind of positivistic rationality, but instead a "universal interdependence" ("Truth" 242). She does not place the origin of the "disinterested pursuit of truth" in science, but at "the moment when Homer chose to sing the deeds of the Trojans no less than those of the Achaeans, and to praise the glory of Hector, the foe and the defeated man, no less than the glory of Achilles, the hero of his kinfolk" ("Truth" 262¬63). It is useful to note that Arendt tends not to use the term "universal," opting more often for "common," by which she means both what is shared and what is ordinary, a usage that evades many of the problems associated with universalism while preserving its virtues (for a brief butprovocative application of Arendt's notion of common, see Hauser 100-03).
In polemical agonism, there is a sense in which one' s main goal is not to persuade one's readers; persuading one's readers, if this means that they fail to see errors and flaws in one' s argument, might actually be a sort of failure. It means that one wishes to put forward an argument that makes clear what one's stance is and why one holds it, but with the intention of provoking critique and counterargument. Arendt describes Kant's "hope" for his writings not that the number of people who agree with him would increase but "that the circle of his examiners would gradually be en¬larged" {Lectures 39); he wanted interlocutors, not acolytes.
This is not consensus-based argument, nor is it what is sometimes called "consociational argument," nor is this argument as mediation or conflict resolution. Arendt (and her commentators) use the term "fight," and they mean it. When Arendt describes the values that are necessary in our world, she says, "They are a sense of honor, desire for fame and glory, the spirit of fighting without hatred and 'without the spirit of revenge,' and indifference to material advantages" {Crises 167). Pitkin summarizes Arendt's argument: "Free citizenship presupposes the ability to fight— openly, seriously, with commitment, and about things that really mat¬ter—without fanaticism, without seeking to exterminate one's oppo¬nents" (266). My point here is two-fold: first, there is not a simple binary opposition between persuasive discourse and eristic discourse, the conflictual versus the collaborative, or argument as opposed to debate.
Second, while polemical agonismrequires diversity among interlocutors, and thus seems an extraordinarily appropriate notion, and while it may be a useful corrective to too much emphasis on persuasion, it seems to me that polemical agonism could easily slide into the kind of wrangling that is simply frustrating. Arendt does not describe just how one is to keep the conflict useful. Although she rejects the notion that politics is "no more than a battlefield of partial, conflicting interests, where nothing countfs] but pleasure and profit, partisanship, and the lust for dominion," she does not say exactly how we are to know when we are engaging in the existential leap of argument versus when we are lusting for dominion ("Truth" 263).
Like other proponents of agonism, Arendt argues that rhetoric does not lead individuals or communities to ultimate Truth; it leads to decisions that will necessarily have to be reconsidered. Even Arendt, who tends to express a greater faith than many agonists (such as Burke, Sloane, or Kastely) in the ability of individuals to perceive truth, insists that self-deception is always a danger, so public discourse is necessary as a form of testing (see especially Lectures and "Truth"). She remarks that it is difficult to think beyond one's self-interest and that "nothing, indeed, is more common, even among highly sophisticated people, than the blind obstinacy that becomes manifest in lack of imagination and failure to judge" ("Truth" 242).
Agonism demands that one simultaneously trust and doubt one' s own perceptions, rely on one's own judgment and consider the judgments of others, think for oneself and imagine how others think. The question remains whether this is a kind of thought in which everyone can engage. Is the agonistic public sphere (whether political, academic, or scientific) only available to the few? Benhabib puts this criticism in the form of a question: "That is, is the 'recovery of the public space' under conditions of modernity necessarily an elitist and antidemocratic project that can hardly be reconciled with the demand for universal political emancipa¬tion and the universal extension of citizenship rights that have accompa¬nied modernity since the American and French Revolutions?" (75). This is an especially troubling question not only because Arendt's examples of agonistic rhetoric are from elitist cultures, but also because of com¬ments she makes, such as this one from The Human Condition: "As a living experience, thought has always been assumed, perhaps wrongly, to be known only to the few. It may not be presumptuous to believe that these few have not become fewer in our time" {Human 324).
Yet, there are important positive political consequences of agonism.
Arendt' s own promotion of the agonistic sphere helps to explain how the system could be actively moral. It is not an overstatement to say that a central theme in Arendt's work is the evil of conformity—the fact that the modern bureaucratic state makes possible extraordinary evil carried out by people who do not even have any ill will toward their victims. It does so by "imposing innumerable and various rules, all of which tend to 'normalize' its members, to make them behave, to exclude spontaneous action or outstanding achievement" (Human 40). It keeps people from thinking, and it keeps them behaving. The agonistic model's celebration of achievement and verbal skill undermines the political force of conformity, so it is a force against the bureaucratizing of evil. If people think for themselves, they will resist dogma; if people think of themselves as one of many, they will empathize; if people can do both, they will resist totalitarianism. And if they talk about what they see, tell their stories, argue about their perceptions, and listen to one another—that is, engage in rhetoric—then they are engaging in antitotalitarian action.
In post-Ramistic rhetoric, it is a convention to have a thesis, and one might well wonder just what mine is—whether I am arguing for or against Arendt's agonism. Arendt does not lay out a pedagogy for us to follow (although one might argue that, if she had, it would lookmuch like the one Lazere describes in "Teaching"), so I am not claiming that greater attention to Arendt would untangle various pedagogical problems that teachers of writing face. Nor am I claiming that applying Arendt's views will resolve theoretical arguments that occupy scholarly journals. I am saying, on the one hand, that Arendt's connection of argument and thinking, as well as her perception that both serve to thwart totalitarian¬ism, suggest that agonal rhetoric (despite the current preference for collaborative rhetoric) is the best discourse for a diverse and inclusive public sphere. On the other hand, Arendt's advocacy of agonal rhetoric is troubling (and, given her own admiration for Kant, this may be intentional), especially in regard to its potential elitism, masculinism, failure to describe just how to keep argument from collapsing into wrangling, and apparently cheerful acceptance of hierarchy. Even with these flaws, Arendt describes something we would do well to consider thoughtfully: a fact-based but not positivist, communally grounded but not relativist, adversarial but not violent, independent but not expressivist rhetoric.

Limited Debate

Democratic agonism can only successfully operate in a limited forum---it’s not a limitation on the content of argument, but on the form in which it is presented---this is not an appeal to exclusion, but to maximizing the deliberative potential of debate
Robert W. Glover 10 Prof of Poli Sci @ UConn "Games without Frontiers?: Democratic Engagement, Agonistic Pluralism, and the Question of Exclusion" Philosophy and Social Criticism Vol. 36
Recent democratic theory has devoted significant attention to the question of how to revitalize citizen engagement and reshape citizen involvement within the process of collective political decision-making and self-government. Yet these theorists do so with the sober recognition that more robust democratic engagement may provide new means for domination, exploitation- intensification of disagreement, or even the introduction of fanaticism into our public debates.1 Thus, numerous proposals have attempted to define the acceptable boundaries of our day-to-day democratic discourse and establish regulative ideals whereby we restrict the types of justifications that can be employed in democratic argumentation. This subtle form of exclusion delineates which forms of democratic discourse are deemed to be legitimate—worthy of consideration in the larger democratic community, and morally justifiable as a basis for policy. As an outgrowth of these concerns, this newfound emphasis on political legitimacy has provoked a flurry of scholarly analysis and debate."
Different theorists promote divergent conceptions of what ought to count as acceptable and legitimate forms of democratic engagement, and promote more or less stringent normative conceptions of the grounds for exclusion and de-legitimization. One of the most novel approaches to this question is offered by agonistic pluralism, a strain of democratic theory advanced by political theorists such as William Connolly, Bonnie Honig, Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe, and James Tully. Agonistic pluralism, or simply agonism, is a theory of democracy rooted in the ancient Greek notion of the agon, a public struggle or contest between adversaries. While recognizing the necessity of placing restrictions upon democratic discourse, agonistic pluralists also call upon us to guard against the naturalization of such exclusion and the coercive act of power which it implies. Rather, we must treat these actions as contingent, subject to further scrutiny, critique, and re-articulation in contentious and widely inclusive democratic spaces.
In so doing, agonistic pluralism offers us a novel means of approaching democratic discourse, receptive to the claims of new actors and identities while also recognizing that there must be some, albeit minimal, restrictions placed on the form that such democratic engagement takes. In short, the goal of agonists is not to 'eradicate the use of power in social relations but to acknowledge its ineradicable nature and attempt to modify power in ways that are compatible with democratic values'.5 This is democracy absent the 'final guarantee* or the 'definitive legitimation.'4 As one recent commentator succinctly put it, agonistic pluralism forces democratic actors to '...relinquish all claims to finality, to happy endings../.5
Yet while agonistic pluralism offers valuable insights regarding how we might reshape and revitalize the character of our democratic communities, it is a much more diverse intellectual project than is commonly acknowledged. There are no doubt continuities among these thinkers, yet those engaged in agonistic pluralism ultimately operate with divergent fundamental assumptions, see different processes at work in contemporary democratic politics, and aspire towards unique political end-goals. To the extent that we do not recognize these different variants, we risk failing to adequately consider proposals which could positively alter the character of our democratic engagement, enabling us to reframe contemporary pluralism as a positive avenue for social change and inclusion rather than a crisis to be contained.
This piece begins by outlining agonistic pluralism's place within the larger theoretical project of revitalizing democratic practice, centered on the theme of what constitutes 'legitimate" democratic discourse. Specifically, I focus on agonism's place in relation to 'participatory' and 'deliberative' strains of democratic theory. I then highlight the under-examined diversity of those theorists commonly captured under the heading of agonistic pluralism, drawing upon Chantal Mouffe*s recent distinction between 'dissociative' and 'associative' agonism. However, I depart from her assertion that 'associative agonists' such as Bonnie Honig and William Connolly offer us no means by which to engage in the 'negative determination of frontiers* of our political spaces. Contra Mouffe, I defend these theorists as offering the most valuable formulation of agonism, due to their articulation of the civic virtues and democratic (re)education needed to foster greater inclusivity and openness, while retaining the recognition that democratic discourse must operate with limits and frontiers.

Effective deliberative discourse is the lynchpin to solving all existential problems---switch-side debate is most effective---our K turns the whole case
Christian O. Lundberg 10 Professor of Communications @ University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, “Tradition of Debate in North Carolina” in Navigating Opportunity: Policy Debate in the 21st Century By Allan D. Louden, p311
The second major problem with the critique that identifies a naivety in articulating debate and democracy is that it presumes that the primary pedagogical outcome of debate is speech capacities. But the democratic capacities built by debate are not limited to speech—as indicated earlier, debate builds capacity for critical thinking, analysis of public claims, informed decision making, and better public judgment. If the picture of modem political life that underwrites this critique of debate is a pessimistic view of increasingly labyrinthine and bureaucratic administrative politics, rapid scientific and technological change outpacing the capacities of the citizenry to comprehend them, and ever-expanding insular special-interest- and money-driven politics, it is a puzzling solution, at best, to argue that these conditions warrant giving up on debate. If democracy is open to rearticulation, it is open to rearticulation precisely because as the challenges of modern political life proliferate, the citizenry's capacities can change, which is one of the primary reasons that theorists of democracy such as Ocwey in The Public awl Its Problems place such a high premium on education (Dewey 1988,63, 154). Debate provides an indispensible form of education in the modem articulation of democracy because it builds precisely the skills that allow the citizenry to research and be informed about policy decisions that impact them, to son rhroueh and evaluate the evidence for and relative merits of arguments for and against a policy in an increasingly infonnation-rich environment, and to prioritize their time and political energies toward policies that matter the most to them.
The merits of debate as a tool for building democratic capacity-building take on a special significance in the context of information literacy. John Larkin (2005, HO) argues that one of the primary failings of modern colleges and universities is that they have not changed curriculum to match with the challenges of a new information environment. This is a problem for the course of academic study in our current context, but perhaps more important, argues Larkin, for the future of a citizenry that will need to make evaluative choices against an increasingly complex and multimediatcd information environment (ibid-). Larkin's study tested the benefits of debate participation on information-literacy skills and concluded that in-class debate participants reported significantly higher self-efficacy ratings of their ability to navigate academic search databases and to effectively search and use other Web resources:
To analyze the self-report ratings of the instructional and control group students, we first conducted a multivariate analysis of variance on all of the ratings, looking jointly at the effect of instmction/no instruction and debate topic . . . that it did not matter which topic students had been assigned . . . students in the Instnictional [debate) group were significantly more confident in their ability to access information and less likely to feel that they needed help to do so----These findings clearly indicate greater self-efficacy for online searching among students who participated in (debate).... These results constitute strong support for the effectiveness of the project on students' self-efficacy for online searching in the academic databases. There was an unintended effect, however: After doing ... the project, instructional group students also felt more confident than the other students in their ability to get good information from Yahoo and Google. It may be that the library research experience increased self-efficacy for any searching, not just in academic databases. (Larkin 2005, 144)
Larkin's study substantiates Thomas Worthcn and Gaylcn Pack's (1992, 3) claim that debate in the college classroom plays a critical role in fostering the kind of problem-solving skills demanded by the increasingly rich media and information environment of modernity. Though their essay was written in 1992 on the cusp of the eventual explosion of the Internet as a medium, Worthcn and Pack's framing of the issue was prescient: the primary question facing today's student has changed from how to best research a topic to the crucial question of learning how to best evaluate which arguments to cite and rely upon from an easily accessible and veritable cornucopia of materials.
There are, without a doubt, a number of important criticisms of employing debate as a model for democratic deliberation. But cumulatively, the evidence presented here warrants strong support for expanding debate practice in the classroom as a technology for enhancing democratic deliberative capacities. The unique combination of critical thinking skills, research and information processing skills, oral communication skills, and capacities for listening and thoughtful, open engagement with hotly contested issues argues for debate as a crucial component of a rich and vital democratic life. In-class debate practice both aids students in achieving the best goals of college and university education, and serves as an unmatched practice for creating thoughtful, engaged, open-minded and self-critical students who are open to the possibilities of meaningful political engagement and new articulations of democratic life.
Expanding this practice is crucial, if only because the more we produce citizens that can actively and effectively engage the political process, the more likely we are to produce revisions of democratic life that are necessary if democracy is not only to survive, but to thrive. Democracy faces a myriad of challenges, including: domestic and international issues of class, gender, and racial justice; wholesale environmental destruction and the potential for rapid climate change; emerging threats to international stability in the form of terrorism, intervention and new possibilities for great power conflict; and increasing challenges of rapid globalization including an increasingly volatile global economic structure. More than any specific policy or proposal, an informed and active citizenry that deliberates with greater skill and sensitivity provides one of the best hopes for responsive and effective democratic governance, and by extension, one of the last best hopes for dealing with the existential challenges to democracy [in an] increasingly complex world. 

Tournament: All | Round:  | Opponent:  | Judge:
NDT
Rd 1 v Arizona State RV - Politics + Case
Rd 4 v CSUF BT - Framework + Case
Rd 6 v UNLV EJ - Russia NG DA + Case
Rd 8 v Wyoming BF - Rare Earths DA + Case
CEDA
Rd 1 v Minnesota EE - Capitalism Good+Warming DA
Rd 3 v Kansas State BB - Russian Reactors DA + Case
Rd 5 v Texas FS - Inherency
Rd 7 v Idaho State DH - Framework

DISTRICTS
Rd 1 v Boston College KM - Warming DA + Case
Rd 3 v CUNY AT - Framework, Case turns (corporate exploitation/TERA)
Rd 6 v Army BS - BMD Bad - China MIRV + Case defense
Rd 7 v Binghamton GR - Framework, Rare Earth DA + Case

NAVY
Rd 2 v Vanderbilt RZ - Rare Earth DA
Rd 4 v Liberty LS - Rare Earth DA, Case
Rd 6 v Mary Washington LP - Rare Earth DA, Case
Rd 8 v George Washington BS - China Coal DA, Heat Subsidies CP

USC
Rd 1 v Emory HR - Rare Earth DA, Case
Rd 3 v Iowa LL - China Coal DA, Case
Rd 5 v Vanderbilt SW - Immigration Politics DA, Case

WAKE
Rd 2 v Chico - Iran Norms DA, Case
Rd 3 v Texas CM - Framework
Rd 6 v Navy HR - Competition K
Rd 7 v Illinois State HO - Fiscal Cliff Politics, Case

HARVARD
Rd 1 v Army - T-Production, PIC out of nuclear energy
Rd 3 v Northwestern HM - Russia Oil case turns
Rd 6 v Northwestern BF - China Coal case turns
Rd 7 v Emory HR - Elections (Russia), Case

KENTUCKY
Rd 2 v USC PS - Rare Earth DA, Case
Rd 3 v Iowa DH - Rare Earth DA, Case
Rd 6 v Arizona State DM - Framework
Rd 7 v Michigan State HK - Elections (Russia), Case

GSU
Rd 2 v Iowa DH - Competitiveness K
Rd 3 v JMU - Framework
Rd 5 v George Washington NS - China Coal DA, Case
Rd 8 v Louisville - Framework

Tournament:  | Round:  | Opponent:  | Judge:
Are at the bottom

Tournament:  | Round:  | Opponent:  | Judge:
Uranium supply crunch takes out the aff – three years with current demand.
Keen citing Drolet ’12, Kip Keen, staff writer for mine web, citing Thomas Drolet, nuclear expert and scientist, 1-24-2012, “Uranium supply crunch by 2016 – nuclear experts says,” http://www.mineweb.com/mineweb/view/mineweb/en/page72103?oid=143915andsn=Detailandpid=102055
A nuclear expert gave uranium supply three more years - at most - before it seriously falls behind demand from the nuclear power industry.
"2016: We have to have supply in the market or the lights will gradually go out in the nuclear system," said Thomas Drolet, the president of Drolet and Associates Energy Services, during a presentation at Cambridge House's Vancouver Resource Investment conference on Monday.
A uranium supply crunch is widely anticipated to hit the nuclear industry starting next year as Cold War era sources of uranium dry up. To illustrate the severity of the shortage that the nuclear industry faces, Drolet highlighted 2010 uranium production from mining - 118 million pounds - versus consumption: 190 million pounds.
"You can do the delta difference yourself," Drolet said, referring to how much of a supply gap miners will have to make up for in coming years.

Barriers to SMR now
Vujic et. al ’12, Jasmina Vujic, co-director of the department of nuclear engineering UCBerkeley, Ryan M. Bergmann, PhD in nuclear engineering from UCBerkeley, Radek Škoda, department head at Texas AandM, Marija Miletić, faculty of nuclear sciences at the Czech Technical University, 3-16-2012, “Small modular reactors: Simpler, safer, cheaper?”, http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S036054421200093X,   

However, the following disadvantages of SMRs must be overcome if the SMRs are to
AND
(4) Obtaining design certification and licensing may take longer than expected.

SMR can’t compete
McMahon ’12, Jeff McMahon, Forbes Staff Writer, 5-23-2012 “Small Modular Nuclear Reactors by 2022 –But No Market for Them”, http://www.forbes.com/sites/jeffmcmahon/2012/05/23/small-modular-reactors-by-2022-but-no-market-for-them/,   

DOE defines reactors as SMRs if they generate less than 300 megawatts of power,
AND
economics don’t work in the favor of SMRs,” according to the summary.

No Construction Solvency

1.  State regulations
   Gelinas 07-- Chief Executive “Is Wall Street Ready to Go Nuclear?” Nicole.. New York: Sep 2007. , Iss. 228; pg. 42, 5 pgs
   But skepticism abounds, particularly within the financing community. This skepticism could be a
   AND
   to pass capital costs through to end users, another conference attendee noted.

2. Licensing problems and uranium shortages
Coplan 06 - Associate Professor of Law, Pace University School of Law (Karl S, “THE INTERCIVILIZATIONAL INEQUITIES OF NUCLEAR POWER WEIGHED AGAINST THE INTERGENERATIONAL INEQUITIES OF CARBON BASED ENERGY,” 17 Fordham Envtl. Law Rev. 227, Symposium, 2006)
In addition to the long-term environmental and economic externalities implicated by the
AND
existing fuel supply would be exhausted within three to four years. 119

3.  Construction bottlenecks, waste storage, and lack of skilled labor
Toni Johnson, Staff Writer, 8/11/08 “Challenges for Nuclear Power Expansion” Council on Foreign Relations.   http://www.cfr.org/publication/16886/
Other Obstacles * Construction Bottlenecks. Another obstacle for getting new nuclear construction under way
AND
educate potential students about opportunities in the industry are starting to pay off.

4. Economic Uncertainity and costs
Amena Saiyid 9/22/08, Washington writer for Nuclear Fuel, “Wall Street uncertainties may affect US reactor construction, fuel market” Nuclear Fuels. Lexis
The projected nuclear renaissance in the US may not materialize as expected due to uncertainties
AND
because of the high risk involved in whether the plant will be completed.

5. The timeframe is decades – low number of suppliers, foreign manufacturers, and skilled labor
Electricity Journal 07 (Economics of Nuclear Power and Proliferation Risks in a Carbon-Constrained World, December, L/n)
It is very difficult to determine whether real cost escalation will continue into the future
AND
pointed to the potential for skilled labor shortages if nuclear construction expands.10

Tournament:  | Round:  | Opponent:  | Judge:
“In the United States” excludes production in the OCS, military bases and above US airspace
State 12 (US Department of State, “7 FAM 1100 ACQUISITION AND RETENTION OF U.S. CITIZENSHIP AND NATIONALITY,” Manual Volume 7, http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/86755.pdf)
7 FAM 1112  WHAT IS BIRTH “IN THE UNITED STATES”? (CT:CON-314; 08-21-2009) a. INA 101(a)(38) (8 U.S.C. 1101 (a)(38)) provides that “the term „United States,‟ when used in a geographical sense, means the continental United States, Alaska, Hawaii, Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Virgin Islands of the United States.”
b. On November 3, 1986, Public Law 94-241, “
AND
country.  (See U.S. v. Wong Kim Ark.)

Prefer our interp
Limits are a prerequisite to negative preparation and clash
They make topical a huge range of Aff’s are not within the US but are in areas which the US has authority over, forward military bases, SPS all become topical
Ground – the Aff’s they allow would fundamentally reshape the topic, making this a military focused and space focused bonanza at the end of the year that would intentionally avoid the important questions of energy policy

Tournament:  | Round:  | Opponent:  | Judge:
New oil drilling trades off with renewables – makes solving warming impossible
Jad Mouawad, airline correspondent for The New York Times. From 2004 to 2010, he covered the global energy industry, reporting on oil and gas developments around the world, OPEC politics, and renewable energy, “Fuel to Burn: Now What?”, 4/10/12, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/11/business/energy-environment/energy-boom-in-us-upends-expectations.html?pagewanted=all//jchen
The increased reliance on these unconventional oil sources, including oil sands and shale oil, has led some energy experts to talk about a “re-carbonization” of energy supplies if that reliance distracts from the need to develop renewable fuels.
“As we run out of conventional fossil fuels, we face some fundamental choices
AND
depending which way we go, solving our environmental problems might become impossible.”

Increased domestic production can’t solve dependence and exacerbates warming – causes war
Deborah Gordon, nonresident senior associate in Carnegie’s energy and climate program, “Insecurity in Unconventional Oil”, 6/5/12, http://carnegieendowment.org/2012/06/05/insecurity-in-unconventional-oil/b64y//jchen
With North American oil production ramping up, many have rushed to the conclusion that
AND
the rules for managing new hydrocarbon supplies, the safer we’ll all be.

Tournament:  | Round:  | Opponent:  | Judge:
Increased imports of Saudi crude now – oil revenues key to maintain regime stability and relations
Amy Jaffe, Wallace S. Wilson fellow for energy studies at Rice University's Baker Institute and co-author of Oil, Dollars, Debt and Crises: The Global Curse of Black Gold, 8/24/12, Foreign Policy, “America's Real Strategic Petroleum Reserve”, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/08/24/Saudi_Arabia_Strategic_Petroleum_Reserve?page=full jchen
America's ability to fall back on the Saudis is further imperiled by the inherent instability
AND
military action intensifies, the impact of these significant moves is wearing off.
Perception of increased US oil production massively lowers oil prices
Neil Munro, reporter for the Daily Caller, “Oil prices fall on rumor, but Obama insists nothing can be done”, Daily Caller, 3/17/12, http://dailycaller.com/2012/03/17/oil-prices-fall-on-rumor-but-obama-insists-nothing-can-be-done/
But the rapid shifts … help develop the oil fields, he said.

Saudi instability risks state collapse and escalating war in the Middle East
Copley ‘02
(Gregory, Editor – GIS, Defense and Foreign Affairs Daily, 5-22, Lexis)
Nonetheless, Saudi Arabia's problems have become the problems of virtually the entire Muslim ummah
AND
. They are therefore critical to the global economy and global strategic stability.

That escalates to global nuclear war
Steinbach ‘02
(John, Center for Research on Globalization, 3-3, http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/STE203A.html)
Meanwhile, the existence of an arsenal of mass destruction in such an unstable region
AND
the deepening Middle East conflict could trigger a world conflagration." (44)

Oil revenue key to reforms
Harris 03
Martha Harris, PhD and Senior Fellow, Atlantic Council, 03, Grave New World, ed. Michael Brown, p. 167
From the perspective of the oil producers, major concerns include the potential for economic
AND
political support and to their ability to participate constructively in international energy markets.
Reforms now leading to Russian growth
Business New Europe 12
Business New Europe 9/12/12, http://www.bne.eu/storyf3986/Russia_reforms_due_in_Nov_seen_sparking_ruble_bond_rally
In November, Russia's capital market is due to join the international settlement system Euroclear
AND
to the whole of Russia's ruble bond market – both sovereign and corporate.
Oil revenues key to the Russian economy
Kuboniwa et. al. 05
Masaaki Kuboniwa, Professor, U.S., European and Russian Economies, Institute of Economic Research, Hitotsubashi University (Japan), Shinichiro Tabata, and Nataliya Ustinova, “How Large is the Oil and Gas Sector of Russia?” Eurasian Geography and Economics, 46, http://src-h.slav.hokudai.ac.jp/coe21/publish/no11_ses/02_kuboniwa.pdf
It is difficult to overstate the importance of the Russian oil and gas sector,
AND
follow by presenting our alternative calculations and a comparison of the two methods.
Russian economic decline causes nuclear war
Oliker and Charlick-Paley 02
Olga Oliker, senior international policy analyst at the RAND Corporation. Before coming to RAND in 1999, Oliker worked as an independent consultant and held positions in the U.S. Departments of Defense and Energy and Tanya Charlick-Paley, 02,
Assessing Russia's Decline: Trends and Implications for the United States and the U.S. Air Force, www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/monograph_reports/2007/MR1442.pdf
What challenges does today’s Russia pose for the U.S. Air Force and
AND
was caused by epidemic, war, or a nuclear/industrial catastrophe.
Economic collapse will cause nationalist takeover – far worse than Putin
Friedlander 09
Monica Friedlander, “Ken Jowitt Offers New Perspective on Russian Politics,” 5/13/09, http://ls.berkeley.edu/?q=node/911
In a recent lecture on Russian politics, Professor Emeritus of Political Science Ken Jowitt
AND
But in 2009, it’s not at all a bad second-best.”
----Resurgent Russian nationalism leads to miscalculation and nuclear war
Hellman 08
Martin Hellman, professor of electrical engineering, Stanford, 10/23/08, Asia Times, http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Front_Page/JJ23Aa01.html
A similar situation exists with nuclear weapons. Many people point to the absence of
AND
, but as in most disagreements the other side sees things very differently.

Tournament:  | Round:  | Opponent:  | Judge:
No arctic conflict or escalation.
Axe 11 David, Wired,  How the U.S. Wins the Coming Arctic War     * January 11, 2011  |      * 2:38 pm  |      * Categories: Navy http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2011/01/how-the-u-s-wins-the-coming-arctic-war/?utm_source=feedburnerandutm_medium=feedandutm_campaign=Feed%3A+WiredDangerRoom+%28Blog+-+Danger+Room%29andutm_content=Google+Reader

The story always starts and ends the same way. Up top, how global
AND
, it’s the sensational stories about shortages and looming disaster that sell newspapers.

International dispute settlement checks.
Baker 8 Betsy, prof. International Law @ Vermont Law School Arctic Mapping and the Law of the Sea, 9-14-08” http://arctic-healy-baker-2008.blogspot.com/2008/09/conflict-in-arctic-tenacity-of-media.html

Just hours after I returned, a week ago, from my trip to the
AND
its potential shelf extension in keeping with procedures agreed by the international community.

Arctic countries will use peaceful and diplomatic dispute resolution mechanisms
McBride 11 (Blake McBride, Commander and part of U.S. Navy Task Force Climate Change, Climate Skepticism and Ways Forward, 2011, Center for a better life)
All evidence suggests that differences over sovereignty claims by the Arctic nations will be adjudicated
AND
.S., an indicator of its diplomatic importance to the Obama Administration.
No chance of war or nuclear conflict in the Arctic – Cooperation, resources divided now
Chernitsa 9-13-12
(Polina, reporter, “Arctic: Politics against speculations”, The Voice of Russia, http://english.ruvr.ru/2012_09_13/Arctic-Politics-against-speculations/)
Among the announced topics are studying the development of the Arctic Region and the discussion
AND
passable – that is why the strengthening of the coast guard is inevitable.
Arctic conflict empirically denied during cold war – diplomatic ties solve and it’s all media spin
Spencer Ackerman, American national security reporter for The New Republic and Wired, 7/8/11, “War For the Arctic: Never Mind”, http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2011/06/war-for-the-arctic-never-mind///jchen
It wasn’t long ago that the press was running wild with hyperbolic claims of the
AND
missions in the cold waters. Think of it as a diplomatic thaw.

Tournament:  | Round:  | Opponent:  | Judge:
Offshore open now – oil companies aren’t using 72% of open areas
Mackenzie Bronson, intern with the energy policy team at the Center for American Progress, 10/23/12,” Use It Or Lose It: Report Shows Oil And Gas Companies Sitting On Thousands Of Unused Leases,” http://thinkprogress.org/climate/2012/10/23/1072351/use-it-or-lose-it-report-shows-oil-and-gas-companies-sitting-on-thousands-of-unused-leases/
Mitt Romney, the American Petroleum Institute, and other fossil fuel allies constantly agitate
AND
total acres leased offshore and 56 percent of the total acres leased onshore.

Wave of new leases prove investors don’t care about regulations
Jeremy Alford, Capitol Correspondent, “Does lease sale restore interest in Gulf oil?”, 6/22/12, http://www.dailycomet.com/article/20120622/ARTICLES/120629850?p=allandtc=pgall//jchen
BATON ROUGE — Louisiana energy boosters contend … potential of the Gulf,” LeBlanc said.
Regulatory uncertainty is over – companies are confident they can meet federal guidelines
Jennifer Dlouhy, reporter, Fuelfix, “Record-setting Gulf drilling auction nets $1.7 billion”, 6/20/12, http://fuelfix.com/blog/2012/06/20/record-setting-gulf-drilling-auction-nets-1-7-billion///jchen
Analysts said Wednesday’s … confident they can meet the heightened requirements.”

Tournament: Wake | Round: 4 | Opponent:  | Judge: 

Major disconnect between two segments of the aff – no solvency for why a statement of agency resolves all of their external impacts.

No natural gas increase – federal restrictions

New 6-30 (Bill, President – New Industires, *Offers Steel Fabrication Services to Offshore Drilling Projects, “Letters: New Leasing Plan a Step Backward,” The Advocate, 2012, http://theadvocate.com/news/opinion/3484480-123/letters-new-leasing-plan-a)

In late June, the U.S. Department of the Interior released its

AND

happen if we enact legislation that allows us to open new offshore areas.

Coal production declining now – Companies are already canceling coal projects because of public opposition

Dorn 9

Jonathan G. Dorn 1 Apr 2009 Closing the door on building new coal-fired power plants in America http://grist.org/article/2009-03-31-closing-the-door-on-building/

Power companies and utilities are responding to the increasing regulatory uncertainty and mounting public opposition

AND

and defer building any fossil-fired power plants until at least 2020.

No increase in oil production/incentives – public opposition derails.

Ceres 12

Ceres leads a national coalition of investors, environmental organizations and other public interest groups working with companies to address sustainability challenges such as global climate change and water scarcity, May 2012, “Investor risks from Oil Shale Development,” http://www.ceres.org/resources/reports/investor-risks-from-oil-shale-development, http://www.ceres.org/resources/reports/investor-risks-from-oil-shale-development

CCS projects in places such as Ohio, new York, and Germany have faced strong public opposition that complicated or derailed the projects.27 Public opposition to development of oil shale—based on the actual or perceived environmental impacts on land, air, water, or the global climate28—could similarly derail, delay, or increase the costs of such projects. This public opposition may at times take the form of litigation, such as the lawsuit by environmental groups challenging BLM’s oil shale leasing plans.29

Massive increase in renewables now – supplant fossil fuels

NREL 12

NREL, National Renewable Energy Laboratory, 7/12/12, “Wind Energy Simulations”, http://www.nrel.gov/energysciences/csc/projects/wind_energy_simulations //jchen

Large-scale wind power generation deployment is a realistic and largely inevitable proposition as

AND

is a 10-fold increase over the current value of roughly 2%.

Although wind energy holds immense promise, there remain critical scientific questions that must be answered about the physical interactions within and between large-scale wind farms, or between wind farms and the environment. These questions arise, in large part, from the complex interaction between the wake that forms behind the turbine and the turbulent wind found in real-world operating environments.

Utility-scale wind turbine blades are large enough that they pass through significantly higher speed winds as they travel through the top of their rotation than nearer to the ground at the bottom, which causes substantial cyclic loading of the blades.

In addition, each turbine in a wind farm creates a turbulent wake that can affect the performance and mechanical loads experienced by the wind turbines downstream.

Turbine wakes interact with each other and are affected by the amount of turbulence in the surrounding winds. These effects reduce power produced by wind turbines and mechanically load their parts in ways that are not fully understood, reducing revenue and increasing operations and maintenance costs of wind farms.

A better understanding of turbine wake and turbulent wind behavior will lead to improved wind farm designs that capture more energy while reducing the mechanical loading on the turbines, generating more profit over the life of the wind farm.

This knowledge can also lead to improved lower-order, wind-farm planning tools that better predict farm performance, which leads to a more accurate prediction of wind farm revenue over its lifetime.

Interpretative communities limit indeterminacy of language

PETER C. SCHANCK. Professor of Law and Director, Law Library, University of Kansas. B.A. 1960, Dartmouth College    University of Southern California LR   September, 1992 65S. Cal.L. Rev. 2505

The concept of interpretive communities effectively undermines the charge of subjectivism, because within that

AND

ways. On the one hand, he agrees with it wholeheartedly.   n169

Real meaning is the current meaning

Gula 02

Robert J. Gula, Nonsense: A Handbook of Logical Fallacies (2002), pp. 48 and 161.

http://www.fallacyfiles.org/etymolog.html

The ….. historically connected.

Modern linguistics rejects etymology as meaning

Hutton 98

Christopher  Hutton      Department of English, University of Hong Kong,

Language Sciences, Vol. 20, No. 2, pp. 189-200, 1998  Science Direct (Elsevier)

SEMANTICS AND THE 'ETYMOLOGICAL FALLACY' FALLACY

In the case of semantics, the road to disciplinary status within linguistics has been

AND

¶ that there is no 'Grundbedeuttmg' that can hold it completely in check.

Their argument is ridiculous

Hale 09

Bob Hale    4 October 2009    The Etymological html

http://thehittingtheroadagainblues.blogspot.com/2009/10/etymological-fallacy.html

Of course, even if these etymologies that he gave were both correct and certain

AND

brothel" meant "deteriorate" or "cheap" meant "innkeeper"?

Legal interpretation rejects etymology

Wathen  91
 DANIEL E. WATHEN,  Justice, Maine Supreme Judicial Court.  Ohio State Law Journal    Spring, 1991

52 Ohio St. L.J. 612

The law generally ignores the science of etymology and accepts language at face value.

AND

rich levels of meaning that other professions find embedded within words and images.

Tournament: NDT | Round: 1 | Opponent: ASU RV | Judge: 

1NC

Topicality

A. Nuclear power is electricity from fission
EIA  06    US Energy Information Administration  2006      Glossary        http://www.eia.gov/tools/glossary/index.cfm?id=N
Nuclear electric power (nuclear power):  Electricity generated by the use of the thermal
AND
reactor, and instrumentation for monitoring and controlling the reactor’s systems.

B. Reprocessing only creates fuel for nuclear reactors, not electricity

C. Vote neg on limits – they could read an aff about any part of the nuclear cycle – uranium mining or just solving waste – the neg doesn’t get energy Das which are core of the topic

Effectual topicality is an independent voter – they don’t mandate electricity production, at best it results from burning reprocessed fuel.

Rare Earth

The rare earth market is stable now – future mines will meet growing demand

Kuepper 2/8
Justin Kuepper, financial journalist, chief editor of The OTC Investor, an investment news site that provides market news and stock highlights, 2/8/13, "Understanding China’s Rare Earth Metals Market: What Changing Regulations Could Mean", http://commodityhq.com/2013/inside-chinas-rare-earth-metal-industry/ jchen
Rare earth metals are a vital component of many critical technologies, ranging from renewable
AND
ultimately stabilize the market with a more robust supply to meet growing demand.

Short term energy investment skyrockets rare earth prices – devastates manufacturers and deters innovation across all industries.

Epstein 12 ~Nicholas Epstein, Chicago Policy Review, Medium Rare: What’s Cooking in the Rare Earth Element Market? Evaluating Rare Earth Element Availability: A case with Revolutionary Demand From Clean Technologies Elisa Alonso, Andrew M. Sherman, Timothy J. Wallington, Mark P. Everson, Frank R. Field, Richard Roth, and Randolph E. Kirchain Environmental Science %26 Technology. 2012.Jul 12th, 2012 http://chicagopolicyreview.org/2012/07/12/medium-rare-whats-cooking-in-the-rare-earth-element-market/~~
REE supplies are vulnerable for several reasons. Most importantly, one nation, China
AND
who depend on a consistent supply-chain, and deters additional innovation.

Nuclear plants require rare earth – plan creates a resource crisis.

Zyga 11 ~Lisa Zyga, PhysOrg.com, Why nuclear power will never supply the world’s energy needs May 11, 2011 http://phys.org/news/2011-05-nuclear-power-world-energy.html~~
The 440 commercial nuclear reactors in use worldwide are currently helping to minimize our consumption
AND
the rapid uptake of a safe and scalable solution such as solar thermal."

China will respond by cutting off rare earth supply – collapses relations

Cohen 7 ~David Cohen, New Scientist, 5-23-7 "Earth’s natural wealth: an audit" http://environment.newscientist.com/channel/earth/mg19426051.200-earths-natural-wealth-an-audit.html~~
These may sound like drastic solutions, but as Graedel points out in a paper
AND
supply, that would create a big risk of conflict, says Reller.

That erodes economic interdependence—causes nuclear war.

White 11 ~Mr. Hugh White is professor of strategic studies at the Australian National University in Canberra and a visiting fellow at the Lowy Institute in Sydney. The Obama Doctrine WSJ, 11/25/11 http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970204452104577057660524758198.html~~
One risk is that escalating strategic competition will disrupt the vital economic relationship between the
AND
U.S.-China clash might be dangerously unclear and disastrously low.

Natural Gas DA

Natural gas prices are increasing because of rising demand – the trend will continue

Wall Street Journal 3/21
Wall Street Journal 3/21/13, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887324373204578374773681881796.html
Natural-gas prices rose above %244 a million British thermal units during intraday
AND
the first time since November that speculative investors have held net bullish positions.
Alternative energy sources trade off with natural gas, lowering prices
Chen 05 (Allan, "Controlling Natural Gas Prices: Energy Efficiency to the rescue," Science at Berkeley Lab, http://www.lbl.gov/Science-Articles/Archive/sabl/2005/February/natural-gas.html)
A new study by researchers at Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory suggests that renewable energy and
AND
and energy efficiency can begin to reduce natural gas prices," says Bolinger.

The US won’t export natural gas now – but sustained low prices will lead to mass exports

Plumer 12
Brad Plumer, reporter at the Washington Post writing about domestic policy, particularly energy and environmental issues, 12/6/12, Washington Post, http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2012/12/06/natural-gas-exports-could-boost-u-s-economy-but-will-anyone-even-buy-the-stuff/-http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2012/12/06/natural-gas-exports-could-boost-u-s-economy-but-will-anyone-even-buy-the-stuff/
That was one interesting takeaway from a big new report by the Department of Energy
AND
South Korea shut down its nuclear program, that could boost demand further.)

US LNG exports kill the Russian economy

Choi and Robertson 13
Tom Choi, Natural Gas Market Leader, Deloitte MarketPoint LLC, and Peter J. Robertson, Independent Senior Advisor, Oil %26 Gas, Deloitte LLP, 13, Exporting the American Renaissance Global impacts of LNG exports from the United States, http://www.deloitte.com/assets/Dcom-UnitedStates/Local%20Assets/Documents/Energy_us_er/us_er_GlobalImpactUSLNGExports_AmericanRenaissance_Jan2013.pdf
Russia, the leading gas exporter to Europe, appears to be especially hard hit
AND
pressure on Russia and other gas exporters to transition to competitively set prices.

Russian economic decline causes nuclear war—miscalc, disintegrating military C%26C, and civil war.

Oliker and Charlick-Paley 02
Olga Oliker, senior international policy analyst at the RAND Corporation. Before coming to RAND in 1999, Oliker worked as an independent consultant and held positions in the U.S. Departments of Defense and Energy and Tanya Charlick-Paley, 02,
Assessing Russia’s Decline: Trends and Implications for the United States and the U.S. Air Force, www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/monograph_reports/2007/MR1442.pdf
What challenges does today’s Russia pose for the U.S. Air
AND
was caused by epidemic, war, or a nuclear/industrial catastrophe.

Politics

Immigration reform has momentum and it’s Obamas top priority, PC is key

Fifield 3-20
Anna Fifield, Financial Times, March 20, 2013, "Immigration: Pressure mounts on Obama to overhaul citizenship requirements" http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/9235c2aa-8ad4-11e2-b1a4-00144feabdc0.html~~%23axzz2O7I5qCku
Emboldened by his resounding reelection, Mr Obama has put reform at the top of
AND
put back in the too-hard basket for a few more years. 

Congress opposes expanding the program – budget cuts prove

Fuchs 12  Katherine Fuchs, Program Director. ANA and Tom Clements, Nonproliferation Policy Director, ANA, (Alliance for Nuclear Accountability)     June 06, 2012        Fortenberry Amendment Protects Real Nonproliferation Priorities, Signals Growing Oversight of Troubled Plutonium Fuel (MOX) Program  http://www.ananuclear.org/PressRoom/ANAPressReleases-http://www.ananuclear.org/PressRoom/ANAPressReleases /tabid/115/articleType/ArticleView/articleId/557/Default.aspx
Today, the House of Representatives overwhelmingly passed an amendment offered by Rep. Fortenberry
AND
funding for this critical program up to the President’s requested level.

Immigration reforms key to the economy
Beadle 12-10
Amanda Peterson Beadle, Think Progress, Dec 10, 2012, "Top 10 Reasons Why The U.S. Needs Comprehensive Immigratio
n Reform" http://thinkprogress.org/justice/2012/12/10/1307561/top-10-reasons-why-the-us-needs-comprehensive-immigration-reform-that-includes-a-path-to-citizenship/
Legalizing the 11 million undocumented immigrants in the United States would boost the nation
AND
U.S. university, 2.62 American jobs are created.

That causes nuclear war—collapses multilateral institutions and increases aggression.

Merlini, Senior Fellow – Brookings, 11
 ~Cesare Merlini, nonresident senior fellow at the Center on the United States and Europe and chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Italian Institute for International Affairs (IAI) in Rome. He served as IAI president from 1979 to 2001. Until 2009, he also occupied the position of executive vice chairman of the Council for the United States and Italy, which he co-founded in 1983. His areas of expertise include transatlantic relations, European integration and nuclear non-proliferation, with particular focus on nuclear science and technology. A Post-Secular World?  DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2011.571015 Article Requests: Order Reprints : Request Permissions Published in: journal Survival, Volume 53, Issue 2 April 2011 , pages 117 - 130 Publication Frequency: 6 issues per year  Download PDF Download PDF (~357 KB)     View Related Articles  To cite this Article: Merlini, Cesare ’A Post-Secular World?’, Survival, 53:2, 117 – 130~
Two neatly opposed scenarios for the future of the world order illustrate the range of
AND
to theocratic absolutes, competing or converging with secular absolutes such as unbridled nationalism

CP

The Department of Energy should use dedicated nuclear reactors to produce tritium. The reactors should be limited to this purposes and should not generate commercialized electricity.

Solvency

No world nuclear renaissance

Mez, ’12, Lutz Mez, Department of Political and Social Sciences, Freie Universitat Berlin, 5-7-12, "Nuclear Energy—Any Solution for Sustainability and Climate Protection?", http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0301421512003527,   

Is the entire world really building nuclear power plants? By no means. According
AND
should at any rate not be underestimated (Mez et al., 2009).

Fuel costs for reprocessing are ten times higher than the once-through fuel cycle

David Biello 10, Associate Editor for Scientific American, 4/15/10, "Is Reprocessing the Answer to Eliminating Fissile Materials from Bombs and Nuclear Waste?," http://www.scientificamerican.com/article.cfm?id=is-reprocessing-the-answer-to-eliminating-fissile-materials
Reprocessing is also expensive. The French spend roughly an extra 800 million euros
AND
Makhijani says. "It is tenfold higher than the underlying resource cost." 

Not enough people for nuclear reactor operation

John Ahearne, Executive Director Emeritus at Sigma Xi Scientific Research Society, Fmr. Chairman of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, 2011 ("Prospects for nuclear energy" Energy Economics 33.4 July 2011)
Building and operating a nuclear plant requires skilled workers and competent personnel. A U
AND
" (National Commission on Energy Policy, 2009, p. 3).

Russia Advantage

• • 1. Cooperation is guided by self interest, not spillover from cooperation in other area
       Working Group 12       Working Group on the Future of U.S.-Russia Relations  The Working Group on the Future of U.S.-Russia Relations convenes rising experts from leading American and Russian institutions to tackle the thorniest issues in the bilateral relationship.  / June 2012 Survey of Developments in U.S.-Russia Relations             http://us-russiafuture.org/publications/monthly-survey/june-2012/**
       Simultaneously, all the major areas of cooperation between Russia and the U.S
       AND
       it will not cease cooperation in any area due to disagreements in another.

2. All their evidence is about a 123 agreement, not PMDA. The 123 agreement with Russia went into force in 2011

Danichev 12     Alexey Danichev, RIA Novosti   26/06/2012   Russia plans to convert two nuclear research reactors to low-enriched uranium fuel   MOSCOW, June 26 (RIA Novosti)     http://en.ria.ru/russia/20120626/174248257.html-http://en.ria.ru/russia/20120626/174248257.html
The long-stalled U.S.-Russian Agreement for Cooperation in the Field
AND
sides see it as an important contribution to the non-proliferation regime.

3. Other nuclear cooperation exists – for example the Science initiative

GSN  12       Global Security Newswire    June 27, 2012       Russia, U.S. Discuss Atomic Protection Initiatives
http://www.nti.org/gsn/article/russia-us-announce-collaborative-atomic-protection-initiatives/**
A U.S.-Russian deal on atomic power science initiatives is slated to
AND

• • (Vladimir Isachenkov, Associated Press/Seattle Times, June 26).

4. Plutonium reliance hurts Russias economy

Center for Safe Energy  2K       Center for Safe Energy, a project of  Earth Island Institute.   July 3, 2000  Letter to Heads of State of Nations of the G-8 Anti-Plutonium International Movement     http://www.earthisland.org/eiproject/index.php/cse/Publications/letter-to-heads-of-state-of-nations-of-the-g-8/-http://www.earthisland.org/eiproject/index.php/cse/Publications/letter-to-heads-of-state-of-nations-of-the-g-8/
Second, there could be negative consequences for the Russian economy with corresponding negative impacts
AND
including breeder reactors which are not the most economic way to generate electricity.

5. Positive cooperation is impossible – NATO, other pipelines, influence.

Deudney and Ikenberry 9 ~Daniel, Associate Professor of Political Science at Johns Hopkins University, and John, professor of Politics and International Affairs in the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University, The Unravelling of the Cold War Settlement, Survival, Volume 51, Issue 6 December 2009 , pages 39 - 62~
The basic reason for Russian antagonism toward the United States is the widespread Russian perception
AND
the shadow of the past that most plagues the US-Russian relationship.

6. Relations are impossible—domestic Russian politics.

Sestanovich 3/13/13, Stephen Sestanovich, George F. Kennan Senior Fellow for Russian and Eurasian @CFR, "
 What can be done to improve relations between the United States and Russia, given recent problems with the "reset"?" http://www.cfr.org/russian-fed/can-done-improve-relations-between-united-states-russia-given-recent-problems-reset/p30202
The main driver of hostility to the United States is Russian domestic politics. Last
AND
the United States unless he is satisfied that it makes domestic political sense.

No arctic conflict or escalation.

Axe 11 ~David, Wired,  How the U.S. Wins the Coming Arctic War     * January 11, 2011  |      * 2:38 pm  |      * Categories: Navy http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2011/01/how-the-u-s-wins-the-coming-arctic-war/?utm_source=feedburner%26utm_medium=feed%26utm_campaign=Feed%3A+WiredDangerRoom+%28Blog+-+Danger+Room%29%26utm_content=Google+Reader~~

The story always starts and ends the same way. Up top, how global
AND
’s the sensational stories about shortages and looming disaster that sell newspapers.

International dispute settlement checks.

Baker 8 ~Betsy, prof. International Law @ Vermont Law School Arctic Mapping and the Law of the Sea, 9-14-08" http://arctic-healy-baker-2008.blogspot.com/2008/09/conflict-in-arctic-tenacity-of-media.html~~

Just hours after I returned, a week ago, from my trip to the
AND
its potential shelf extension in keeping with procedures agreed by the international community.

WTO accession solves.

Aslund 10 ~Anders, Peterson Institute for International Economics10 Reasons Why the Russian Economy Will Recover Op-ed in the Moscow Times November 25, 2010 http://www.piie.com/publications/opeds/oped.cfm?ResearchID=1712~~

Russia is finally about to accede to the World Trade Organization (WTO) within
AND
convergence will drive the country’s growth for a couple of decades.

HE-3 Advantage

No nuclear terror.

Chapman 12 ~Stephen, columnist and editorial writer for the Chicago Tribune, CHAPMAN: Nuclear terrorism unlikely May 22, 2012 6:00 AM http://www.oaoa.com/articles/chapman-87719-nuclear-terrorism.html~~

Given their inability to do something simple — say, shoot up a shopping mall
AND
fruit. Given the formidable odds, it probably won’t bother.

Can’t solve terrorism—don’t have detection systems all over.

Prefer conventional weapons.

Craig 11 ~Campbell, professor of international relations at the University of Southampton Special Issue: Bringing Critical Realism and Historical Materialism into Critical Terrorism Studies  Atomic obsession: nuclear alarmism from Hiroshima to al-Qaeda Critical Studies on Terrorism  Volume 4, Issue 1, 2011, April, pages 115-124~

Let us address each of his claims, in reverse order. Mueller suggests that
AND
? The potential costs would be astronomical, the benefits non-existent.

1— Proliferation is slow and stable. Their authors exaggerate. Iran proves.

Mueller ’12, ~John Mueller, PhD, is a Senior Research Scientist with the Mershon Center for International Security Studies where he is also the Woody Hayes Chair of National Security Studies, Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute, professor of political science at Ohio State University and the author of Atomic Obsession, "Old fears cloud Western views on Iran’s nuclear posturing," 2-18 http://www.smh.com.au/opinion/politics/old-fears-cloud-western-views-on-irans-nuclear-posturing-20120217-1te94.html~~
Alarmism about nuclear proliferation is fairly common coin in the foreign policy establishment. And
AND
have also been exceedingly difficult to obtain for administratively dysfunctional countries like Iran.

2—New arsenals not destabilizing—small arsenals, no aggression, and deterrence solves

Forsyth ’12 ~James Wood Forsyth Jr., PhD, currently serves as professor of national security studies, USAF School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, Maxwell AFB, Alabama. He earned his PhD at the Josef Korbel School of International Studies, University of Denver. He has written on great-power war, intervention, and nuclear issues, "The Common Sense of Small Nuclear Arsenals," Summer, Strategic Studies Quarterly, http://www.au.af.mil/au/ssq/2012/summer/forsyth.pdf~~
Whatever its logical shortcomings, it is important to stress that deterrence worked—it
AND
desires of its leaders. In short, nuclear weapons deter and dissuade. 

3—Proliferation solves conventional great power war.

Waltz ’12, Kenneth Waltz, Professor of Political Science at UC Berkeley, Kenneth Waltz, Professor of Political Science (Emeritus) at UC Berkeley, "A conversation with Kenneth Waltz," http://www.annualreviews.org/doi/full/10.1146/annurev-polisci-020511-174136-http://www.annualreviews.org/doi/full/10.1146/annurev-polisci-020511-174136
JF: So what does that imply about polarity and the role of power that
AND
at the center, as both Pakistani and Indian commentators have said subsequently.

4—Best data proves – proliferation is the cause of great power peace

Tepperman ’9 ( 9/7/2009 (John - journalist based in New York Cuty, Why obama should learn to love the bomb, Newsweek, p.lexis)

A growing and compelling body of research suggests that nuclear weapons may not, in
AND
leaders in each country did what they had to do to avoid it.

5—Proliferation frees the US from extended deterrence, preventing global escalation

Layne ’96, Christopher Layne, fellow of the Center For Science and International Affairs at Harvard, "Minimal Realism in East Asia," The National Interest, Spring, 1996, p. 72-73
This is doubly true when the potential aggressor is a nuclear power because, as
AND
, and here the Japanese case provides the most important and sobering illustration.

10—Must allow extended deterrence to fail now – commitment—Must allow extended deterrence to fail now – commitments cause East Asian nuclear war.

Schreer ’12, ~Benjamin Schreer, senior Lecturer in SDSC’s Graduate Studies in Strategy %26 Defence Program and managing editor of the journal Security Challenges. He received a PhD in Political Science from Kiel University, working on Australia’s strategic policy. He also received a Master of Political Science from Kiel University, and studied international relations and security studies at Coventry University, 10/1/2012, "Abandonment, entrapment, and the future of US conventional extended deterrence in East Asia (Parts I and II)~
Traditionally, US conventional deterrence for its East Asian allies has relied on ’direct
AND
increased air and maritime activities, including through forward-deployed strike aircraft.

7—First strikes are unsustainable.  Proliferation deters any consideration of an attack

Waltz ’03, Kenneth Waltz, The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: A Debate Renewed, 2003, p. 121
Students of organizations rightly worry about complex and tightly-coupled systems because they are
AND
is insignificant if the cost of gaining it is half a dozen cities.

Tournament: NDT | Round: 1 | Opponent: ASU | Judge: 

2NC REM DA

Rare Earth Metal DA

Rare earth market is stable now – future supply is expanding to meet status quo demand. The plan is a sharp rise in demand that current mines cannot keep up with. That’s Kuepper

Supply will match demand over the long run – but clean tech causes a short term market crunch

World Politics Review 11/21
Greg Caramenico, journalist and analyst covering finance, science and energy policy, as well as Italy, Iran and the Levant. He has a master’s degree in history from Vanderbilt University, 11/21/12, "China’s Rare Earth Metals Clampdown Drives New Trade, Mining Ties", http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/12517/chinas-rare-earth-metals-clampdown-drives-new-trade-mining-ties jchen
Over the long run, the ramp-up in global production of rare earths
AND
domestically produced electric cars, rather than supply foreign manufacturers with rare earths.
One could also imagine a scenario in which cellphones and other existing products received most of the rare earth reserves during a temporary supply stoppage. This possibility worried some automobile manufacturers enough that they began to research alternative materials for clean engines. Indeed, Toyota began this research before China cut access to its rare earth supplies. Nevertheless, it remains uncertain how long it would take for such research to bear fruit. 

Vote neg on presumption if they win a supply crunch is inevitable – means NO solvency because the turbines/panels cannot be built

~~Their arguments that other countries will mine solves this – it proves that over the long run, supply will come online and meet future demand. The problem is what happens in the SHORT TERM.

And, the risk is linear – the plan uniquely makes a crunch more likely and faster

Trigaux 12 ~David, A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the University Honors Program University of South Florida St. Petersburg May 2nd 2012 Thesis Director: Thomas Smith Ph. D.  Director of the Honors Program and Associate Professor of Political Science Committee Member: Dr. Ty Solomon, Visiting Assistant Professor of Political Science "The U.S., China and Rare Earth Metals" The Future Of Green Technology, Military Tech, and a Potential Achilles‟ Heel to  American Hegemony.  http://dspace.nelson.usf.edu/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10806/4632/David%20Trigaux%20Honors%20Thesis%5B1%5D.pdf?sequence=1~~
Given the world‟s total energy production, alternative energy still constitutes a  small
AND
and political implications, as well as overall extraction and  refinement rates.  57 

And, MARKET STABILITY is the framing issue– demand is high but not out of control now. Only a RADICAL change like the plan is perceived

Even if renewable growth is inevitable, its slow – that gives supply enough time to expand in the status quo. The plan is a MASSIVE CHANGE in renewable policy and supply/demand calculations, which triggers the link. That’s Kuepper

If renewables are inevitable there’s no reason to do the aff – vote neg to avoid short term risk of China war.

Alternative REE supplies is a negative argument – it proves that over the long run, other sources will enter the market and stabilize demand. The aff causes a short term crunch because it takes decades for these mines to come online. That’s Kuepper

Mining difficulties mean sources take years to come online

World Politics Review 11/21
Greg Caramenico, journalist and analyst covering finance, science and energy policy, as well as Italy, Iran and the Levant. He has a master’s degree in history from Vanderbilt University, 11/21/12, "China’s Rare Earth Metals Clampdown Drives New Trade, Mining Ties", http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/12517/chinas-rare-earth-metals-clampdown-drives-new-trade-mining-ties jchen
China’s restriction of global access to its deposits of rare earth elements starting
AND
to new sources of rare earth supplies even when supported by strong investments.

Environment and cost concerns delay opening for a decade

Kuepper 2/8
Justin Kuepper, financial journalist, chief editor of The OTC Investor, an investment news site that provides market news and stock highlights, 2/8/13, "Understanding China’s Rare Earth Metals Market: What Changing Regulations Could Mean", http://commodityhq.com/2013/inside-chinas-rare-earth-metal-industry/ jchen
Environmental Concerns Arise
China’s two-mile wide Baiyun Obo is home to the world’s biggest mine and the single largest source of rare earth metals in the world. While the mine has certainly helped create jobs and build wealth, the operation comes at an enormous environmental cost, with toxic runoff from the refining process and poisoned lakes where rocks are kept before processing.
Daily Mail’s Richard Jones reported in 2010 that workers regularly experienced acid burns
AND
opened, it could take some five to 10 years to come online.

Other countries won’t mine – environmental costs.

Shimatsu 12 ~Yoichi Shimatsu, former associate editor of Pacific News Service, is an environmental writer and consultant based in Hong Kong. The New Opium War: China’s Rare Earth Minerals New America Media, News Analysis, Yoichi Shimatsu, Posted: Mar 15, 2012 http://newamericamedia.org/2012/03/the-new-opium-war-chinas-rare-earth.php~~

Beijing limited foreign shipments due to shortages caused by "environmental issues" and "
AND
mining operations, China produced less than 30 percent of the world supply.

Plan causes the rare earth market prices to go through the roof –

An unexpected energy policy by the federal government changes global supply/demand expectations overnight. Any sharp new demand for REEs lead to supply and price instability – that’s Epstein

Perception magnifies the link – investors are on the brink of panic

Reuters 12
Eric Onstad, 9/19/12, "Analysis: Rare earth prices to erode on fresh supply, China", http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/09/19/us-rareearths-outlook-idUSBRE88I0O020120919 jchen
HEAVIES
The price outlook is stronger for so-called heavy rare earths, which are scarcer and expected to see rising demand in applications such as high performance magnets and energy efficient lighting.
Terbium oxide, mainly used in phosphors for compact fluorescent and LED lighting, has shed slightly over half its value since the peak to %241,750 a kg, FOB China, and Otto expects the long-term price to dip slightly to %241,500/kg.
More volatility is expected as developments could buffet the sector, such as any breakthrough
AND
people are very uncertain about what the future will hold and rightly so."

Rare earth shortage collapses US-China relations – mineral scarcities exacerbate all tensions and force escalating economic rivalry, empirically proven with conflict in the DRC – that’s White and Cohen

China war outweighs – immediate nuclear use is based on perception, while solvency takes decades.

It’s the biggest war impact – outweighs all other scenarios

Washington Times 11
Eli Lake staff writer, article is about James Clapper Director of National Intelligence, 3/10/11, "China deemed biggest threat to U.S.: Russia second, DNI chief says", http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2011/mar/10/china-deemed-biggest-threat-to-us/?page=all-http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2011/mar/10/china-deemed-biggest-threat-to-us/?page=all jchen
China’s nuclear arsenal poses the most serious "mortal threat" to the
AND
as well as an international agreement to limit the production of fissile material.

Perception of any shortage triggers a US crackdown on China – destroys relations

Parthemore 11 (Christine Parthemore, Fellow at the Center for a New American Security (CNAS), where she directs the Natural Security Program and the Natural Security Blog, prolific author, former journalist writing for The Washington Post, Roll Call, and the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, MA from Georgetown University’s Security Studies Program, June 2011, "ELEMENTS OF SEUCURITY: MITIGATING THE RISKS OF U.S. DEPENDENCE ON CRITICAL MINERALS," Center for a New American Security, http://www.cnas.org/files/documents/publications/CNAS_Minerals_Parthemore_1.pdf-http://www.cnas.org/files/documents/publications/CNAS_Minerals_Parthemore_1.pdf)
Minerals are a subject of much contention. On one hand, the United States
AND
require federal government attention in the coming years. Pg. 6-10  

Strategic distrust will undermine cooperation. Lack of dialogue guarantees nuclear escalation

Kulacki 12
Gregory Kulacki, senior analyst and China project manager in the Global Security Program at the Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS).  He is a respected expert on international educational exchanges with the People’s Republic of China. Dr. Kulacki lived and worked in China for more than twelve years developing and administering a wide variety of exchange programs between China and the United States. Prior to joining UCS in 2002 he served as the director of Academic Programs in China for the Council on International Educational Exchange, as an associate professor and the director of the Sino-American Center for Environmental Education at Green Mountain College, and most recently as the director of External Studies for Pitzer College, where he established a ground-breaking program in Chinese Media Studies in cooperation with Peking University, China project manager and Senior Analyst, Union of Concerned Scientists, Huffington Post, "The Risk of Nuclear War with China", http://www.huffingtonpost.com/gregory-kulacki/the-risk-of-nuclear-war-w_b_1903336.html jchen
It is disturbing, therefore, that both the United States and China have failed
AND
risks of war, which, while still small, continue to grow.

Link turns the case – immediate price shocks crush the energy industry because companies haven’t accounted for a huge cost increase in the materials market chain – that’s Epstein

Changes to the cost-curve crush the energy industry.

Pell 11 ~Ezra, Environmental Finance | Mon, 12 December 2011, Rare Earth Shortages - A Ticking Timebomb for Renewables? http://oilprice.com/Alternative-Energy/Renewable-Energy/Rare-Earth-Shortages-A-Ticking-Timebomb-For-Renewables.html~~
A global scarcity of rare earth metals over the next five years could be "
AND
~manufacturers~ to keep pushing emissions down cost effectively," he said.

Drives companies out of business.

Pappagallo 12 ~Linda, Masters Student at Columbia University - School of International and Public Affairs, Writer at Green Prophet and US Ambassador for Carboun - Author/ Researcher for an infographic chapter on Ecology and the Environment in the Middle East. Rare Earth Metals Limits Clean Technology’s Future August 5th, 2012 http://www.greenprophet.com/2012/08/rare-earth-metal-peak/~~

As the world moves toward greater use of zero- carbon energy sources, the
AND
dysprosium needed for electric car performance are becoming less available on the planet.

Scares off investors – mere PERCEPTION of a shortage kills business confidence

Trigaux 12 ~David, A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the University Honors Program University of South Florida St. Petersburg May 2nd 2012 Thesis Director: Thomas Smith Ph. D.  Director of the Honors Program and Associate Professor of Political Science Committee Member: Dr. Ty Solomon, Visiting Assistant Professor of Political Science "The U.S., China and Rare Earth Metals" The Future Of Green Technology, Military Tech, and a Potential Achilles‟ Heel to  American Hegemony.  http://dspace.nelson.usf.edu/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10806/4632/David%20Trigaux%20Honors%20Thesis%5B1%5D.pdf?sequence~~
Additional concern should be placed on the effects that this has on the economy.  
AND
issue that doesn‟t have any easy or immediately foreseeable  solution.  95

Turns tech diffusion – if developing countries say they can’t afford green tech now, they certainly won’t get on board when energy technologies become even more expensive.

China relations key – they’re the biggest emitter of greenhouse gases. Failure to get them on board makes U.S. efforts useless

Nuclear war turns warming – it causes massive forest fires which destroy key carbon sinks and accelerate positive feedback cycles

Takes a decade to solve – no open mines or processing infrastructure

Berry 12 ~Dr. Michael Berry served as a professor of investments at the Colgate Darden Graduate School of Business Administration at the University of Virginia from 1982-1990, during which time he published a book, Managing Investments: A Case Approach. He has managed small- and mid-cap value portfolios for Heartland Advisors and Kemper Scudder. His publication, Morning Notes, analyzes emerging geopolitical, technological and economic trends. He travels the world with his son, Chris, looking for discovery opportunities for his readers.   Chris Berry, with a lifelong interest in geopolitics and the financial issues that emerge from these relationships, founded House Mountain Partners in 2010. The firm focuses on the evolving geopolitical relationship between emerging and developed economies, the commodity space and junior mining and resource stocks positioned to benefit from this phenomenon. Chris holds an MBA in finance with an international focus from Fordham University, and a BA in international studies from The Virginia Military Institute.  Solving Critical Rare Earth Metal Shortages Commodities / Metals %26 Mining Jan 11, 2012 - 07:30 AM  http://www.marketoracle.co.uk/Article32560.html~~
Michael Berry: It’s just now starting to dawn on Washington that we
AND
take a decade or more to replace and rebuild these crucial supply chains.

Tournament: NDT | Round: 1 | Opponent: ASU RV | Judge:
Politics DA
Econ U
US economy faltering
Fox News 3/28, “Economy expanded at 0.4 percent rate at end of 2012, latest sign of meager recovery”, http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2013/03/28/us-economy-expanded-at-04-percent-rate-at-end-2012/
The U.S. economy is teetering further on the edge of recession, with revised numbers showing economic growth clocking in at an anemic rate at the end of 2012.
Analysts expect the numbers to pick up this quarter, but a succession of revisions
AND
and an estimate before that showing the economy actually contracted in that period.
2nc Impact Calc
DA O/Ws and turns the case—
Economic collapse results in extinction—devestates multilateral cooperation and increases incentives for aggression.
Much faster impact—econ based on perception. T/F o/ws—means DA turns case not vice versa—impacts in the short term are inherently more probable due to propagation of uncertainty
Turns investment—no one would be willing to invest in using the fuel (can’t fiat out)
Turns Russia—devestates the Russian economy
Growth is key to solve warming.
Anderson, 2004 (Terry, Researcher at PERC (A Market Think Tank), Hoover Digest, “Why Economic Growth is Good for the Environment”, Summer, http://www.perc.org/publications/articles/econ_growth.php)

In the March 2004 issue of Scientific American, National Aeronautics and Space Administration global
AND
finds that "higher GDP reduces total net greenhouse gas emissions."

Turns terrorism
CCIR 7
Coalition for Comprehensive Immigration Reform (CCIR) Questions and Answers Updated, March 7, 2007
How would comprehensive immigration reform improve our national security? When people are admitted legally
AND
legal status for the current undocumented population is integral to enhance national security.
Thumper
Should have read our link—NUCLEAR isn’t the link—reprocessing is.
PC Low
Prefer issue specific UQ—it’s high enough.
Obama has the capital for immigration
Avlon 2-13
John Avlon, The Daily Beast, “Obama’s 2013 State of the Union and the Immigration Reform Moment” http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2013/02/13/obama-s-2013-state-of-the-union-and-the-immigration-reform-moment.html
President Obama is at a moment of maximum political leverage. But for all the
AND
, while arrests at the border are up and attempted crossings are down.
PC Not Key
Political capital is key—Obama’s push is central to consensus building and agenda setting on the immigration bill, that’s Fifield.
Obama needs space and political capital to pressure congress on immigration
The Anniston Star 3-27
The Anniston Star Editorial Board Mar 27, 2013 m On the offensive: Obama is wise to start anew the push for immigration reform http://annistonstar.com/view/full_story/22088295/article-On-the-offensive~-~-Obama-is-wise-to-start-anew-the-push-for-immigration-reform?instance=opinion_lead
The point: President Obama didn’t fulfill his promise of securing sweeping immigration-reform
AND
too hard and risk a Republican storm; push meekly and risk ineffectiveness.

Winners Win
Wins don’t spill over – Obama has finite capital and only 100 days to get his agenda through
Schultz 1-22
David Schultz, professor at Hamline University School of Business, 1/22/13, “Obama's dwindling prospects in a second term” www.minnpost.com/community-voices/2013/01/obamas-dwindling-prospects-second-term
Four more years for Obama. Now what?  What does Barack Obama do in
AND
they turn into lame ducks.  This is the problem Obama now faces.

Obama can’t regenerate capital in his second term
Walsh 12
Ken Walsh, covers the White House and politics for U.S. News, 2012/12/20, “Setting Clear Priorities Will Be Key for Obama” http://www.usnews.com/news/blogs/Ken-Walshs-Washington/2012/12/20/setting-clear-priorities-will-be-key-for-obama
And there is an axiom in Washington: Congress, the bureaucracy, the media
AND
that would limit his power and credibility for the remainder of his presidency.

Obama can’t win on energy issues
Eisler 12
Matthew Eisler, Researcher at the Chemical Heritage Foundation, April 2, 2012, “Science, Silver Buckshot, and ‘All of The Above’” http://scienceprogress.org/2012/04/science-silver-buckshot-and-%E2%80%9Call-of-the-above%E2%80%9D/
Conservatives take President Obama’s rhetoric at face value. Progressives see the president as disingenuous
AND
will probably mean four more years of inaction and increased resort to cant.

He wins too slowly – healthcare and climate sequencing proves
Lashof 10
Dan Lashof 28 Jul 2010 “Lessons from Senate climate fail” Grist http://www.grist.org/article/2010-07-28-lessons-from-senate-climate-fail
Perhaps the most fateful decision the Obama administration made early on was to move healthcare
AND
political capital in time to help push climate legislation across the finish line.

Wins are too short-lived
Porter 9
Ethan Porter Sep. 22 2009 “Obama’s political capital problem” True/Slant http://trueslant.com/ethanporter/2009/09/22/obamas-political-capital-problem/
But as Mark Twain pointed out, history doesn’t repeat itself–it rhymes.
AND
in his approval ratings. But that can be perilously short-lived.

AT: Bottom of the Docket 

1. Expanding the docket still forces Obama to redirect capital on the plan.
   Edwards 97
   George, center for presidential studies director, “Presidential Leadership: Politics and Policy Making”, 1997

An important aspect of a president’s legislative strategy can be establishing priorities among legislative proposals
AND
compete with each other for attention often with disastrous results for the president.

2. If they win this argument, you should vote neg on presumption, it will take years for the plan to pass.

3. CI—fiat means plan passes immediately

This is a voter

1. They kill politics DA’s, those are good:
   Politics debate is good:
   A. Key to current events education—prevents stale debate and insures discussion of most pertinent issues.
   B. Real World—Any decision maker must consider how people will react to their decisions
   C. Core neg ground—key to beat squirrely affs and this topic has no good DA’s
   2. Kills all neg ground—uncertain timeframe of passage makes it impossible to win uniqueness for DA’s.
   Link Debate
   Been cut recently—their evidence is just too old—political climate has changed
   Political support is for disposition not for MOX
   Pavey 13   Rob Pavey Staff Writer  February 15, 2013   The Augusta Chronicle (Georgia  HEADLINE: COST OF MOX PROJECT RISES; PLANT'S ESTIMATED PRICE TAG UP $2 BILLION   lexis
   Last month, a key member of the U.S. House Energy and
   AND
   noted that the agency is conducting a more specific inquiry into the program.

Lobby opposition will be extensive
NIRS 12    Nuclear Information and Resource Service  11-27-12         Nuclear News   A warning on Mixed-Oxide Fuel (MOX) nuclear fuel plan   http://nuclear-news.net/2012/11/27/a-warning-on-mixed-oxide-fuel-mox-nuclear-fuel-plan/
The MOX program is dangerous and unnecessary. More than 200 environmental and other organizations across the world have signed an International NIX MOX statement and have pledged to work to stop this program in the U.S. and similar programs in Russia, France and England.

Budget pressure will cause opposition – even DOE is limiting the program
Clements 12   Tom Clements, ANA,  and Katherine Fuchs, ANA, (Alliance for Nuclear Accountability)  January 12, 2012   
DOE Seeking More Reactors to Use Controversial Plutonium Fuel (MOX)    http://www.ananuclear.org/PressRoom/ ANAPressReleases/tabid/115/articleType/ArticleView/articleId/492/Default.aspx
 Washington, DC – Under growing budgetary stress, the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) announced that it is amending a troubled program to dispose of surplus weapons plutoniumi.  DOE aims to eliminate a costly new facility for disassembling plutonium cores (pits) from nuclear bombs and is considering processing the pits in existing facilities at the Savannah River Site (SRS) in South Carolina and the Los Alamos National Lab in New Mexico. 

Opposition to MOX is substantial
Weinstein 13    Bernard L. Weinstein, is associate director of the Maguire Energy Institute in the Cox School of Business at Southern Methodist University and a fellow with the George W. Bush Institute.- 03/19/13    The Hill       Nuclear non-proliferation obligations must be honored              http://thehill.com/blogs/congress-blog/energy-a-environment/288811-nuclear-non-proliferation-obligations-must-be-honored
In order to convert our plutonium stockpiles into MOX, a fabrication facility is currently
AND
supply for America’s more than 100 nuclear power plants for decades to come.
MOX will face cuts in the FY 14 budget
Aplin 13    Steve Aplin   March 18, 2013  Canadian Energy Issues  Fighting nuclear proliferation and climate change in one project: the Savannah River MOX spectacle    http://canadianenergyissues.com/2013/03/18/fighting-nuclear-proliferation-and-climate-change-in-one-project-the-savannah-river-mox-spectacle/
If you don’t like the tens of thousands of “superfluous” nuclear weapons in
AND
project may face cuts in the 2014 U.S. federal budget.
Obama Would Push
Plan says USfg—that’s all three branches—their interp destroys politics—that’s good—above
Would push—involved in international relations issues—reprocessing perceived
2nc Immigration – Yes

Will pass
Extend Fifield, Immigration will pass, four warrants:
A. Momentum now-- Bipartisan groups are drafting bills in the House and Senate
B. Obama’s push is key—he’s applying pressure to Republicans and building support.
C. Growing consensus—even big business and big labor agree on immigration.  Outweighs their warrants, those groups put money in congress’s pockets.
D. Electoral pressure—growing Hispanic voting blocs pressure for immigration reform—that’s key--elections outweigh ideology.

Obama will get his top priority of immigration passed – applying both public and private pressure
Hunter and Lerer 3-28
Kathleen Hunter and Lisa Lerer, Bloomberg News March 28, 2013 Obama, senators upbeat on immigration overhaul http://www.philly.com/philly/news/nation_world/20130328_Obama__senators_upbeat_on_immigration_overhaul.html
President Obama said he was confident that an immigration bill would pass in the next
AND
of the Senate next month," he said in an interview with Univision. 

Immigration will pass – key principles are worked out and the OFA is ready to provide support
Pace 3-26
Julie Pace |  Associated Press   March 26, 2013 Overhaul immigration laws now, Obama tells Congress http://www.bostonglobe.com/news/nation/2013/03/25/obama-calls-for-speedy-debate-immigration-bill/1iFS3WuovsEw0Vj626WTXK/story.html
Obama and the bipartisan Senate group are in agreement on the key principles of a
AND
guarantees that everyone is playing by the same rules,’’ Carson said.

Tournament:  | Round:  | Opponent:  | Judge:
Prolif Turn

Prolif solves conflict – group it.
Millions of people die as a result of conventional wars and conventional arms races because there is no incentive to de-escalate conflict.
Prolif is the only way to end conflict – states inevitably miscalculate and have incentives for entering conventional conflict because there’s a limit to their risk. Nukes push the limit to infinity – no one is going to go “all-in” when every hand is a guaranteed loss. That’s Karl and Waltz.
Worst climate impacts take decades to arrive and don’t assume adaptation
Robert O. Mendelsohn 9, the Edwin Weyerhaeuser Davis Professor, Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies, Yale University, June 2009, “Climate Change and Economic Growth,” online: http://www.growthcommission.org/storage/cgdev/documents/gcwp060web.pdf
The heart of the debate about climate change comes from numerous warnings from scientists and
AND
range climate risks. What is needed are long-run balanced responses.
We're past the tipping point – scientific consensus
Solomon et al 10
Susan Solomon et. Al, Chemical Sciences Division, Earth System Research Laboratory, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, Ph.D. in Climotology University of California, Berkeley, Nobel Peace Prize Winner, Chairman of the IPCC, Gian-Kasper Plattner, Deputy Head, Director of Science, Technical Support Unit Working Group I, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Affiliated Scientist, Climate and Environmental Physics, Physics Institute, University of Bern, Switzerland, John S. Daniel, research scientist at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), Ph.D. in physics from the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Todd J. Sanford, Cooperative Institute for Research in Environmental Science, University of Colorado Daniel M. Murphy, Chemical Sciences Division, Earth System Research Laboratory, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, Boulder Gian-Kasper Plattner, Deputy Head, Director of Science, Technical Support Unit Working Group I, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, Affiliated Scientist, Climate and Environmental Physics, Physics Institute, University of Bern, Switzerland Reto Knutti, Institute for Atmospheric and Climate Science, Eidgenössiche Technische Hochschule Zurich and Pierre Friedlingstein, Chair, Mathematical Modelling of Climate Systems, member of the Science Steering Committee of the Analysis Integration and Modeling of the Earth System (AIMES) programme of IGBP and of the Global Carbon Project (GCP) of the Earth System Science Partnership (ESSP), 8/31/2010, “Persistence of climate changes due to a range of greenhouse gases,” PNAS vol. 107, no. 43, http://www.pnas.org/content/107/43/18354.full.pdf+html vkoneru
Carbon dioxide, methane, nitrous oxide, and other greenhouse gases increased over the
AND
thermal inertia (9). This paper focuses on emissions over a century.
Moratorium on new licenses now
Reuters 9/6/12, “NRC staff to review nuclear reactor waste storage rules,” http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/09/06/us-utilities-nrc-waste-idUSBRE88515T20120906
(Reuters) - The U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC)
AND
Circuit, are to be completed within 24 months, the NRC said.
Not Cost Competitive with Natural Gas and Large Reactors
Biello ‘12 - Associate Editor at Scientific American (David, March 27, "Small Reactors Make a Bid to Revive Nuclear Power", http://www.scientificamerican.com/article.cfm?id=small-reactors-bid-to-revive-nuclear-power)
Regardless of how cheap such Small Modular Reactors may allow nuclear to be in future
AND
.S. nuclear industry advantage—from design to operation to regulation.

Economic Uncertainity and costs
Amena Saiyid 9/22/08, Washington writer for Nuclear Fuel, “Wall Street uncertainties may affect US reactor construction, fuel market” Nuclear Fuels. Lexis
The projected nuclear renaissance in the US may not materialize as expected due to uncertainties
AND
because of the high risk involved in whether the plant will be completed.
A2 Arctic Conflict Impact
Best intel proves they’re jokers.
Mueller and Stewart 12 John Mueller is Senior Research Scientist at the Mershon Center for International Security Studies and Adjunct Professor in the Department of Political Science, both at Ohio State University, and Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute in Washington, D.C. Mark G. Stewart is Australian Research Council Professorial Fellow and Professor and Director at the Centre for Infrastructure Performance and Reliability at the University of Newcastle in Australia. Their book, Terror, Security, and Money: Balancing the Risks, Benefits, and Costs of Homeland Security, was published by Oxford University Press in 2011. The Terrorism Delusion, International Security  Volume 37, Number 1, Summer 2012

Finally, on May 1, 2012, nearly ten years after the September 2001
AND
about the lack of funds, and watching a lot of pornography.5
Ayson concedes the risk is extremely low and that it might escalate only if the US and Russia and China were already at war.
Ayson 10 Robert, Professor of Strategic Studies and Director of the Centre for Strategic Studies: New Zealand –  Victoria University of Wellington, “After a Terrorist Nuclear Attack: Envisaging Catalytic Effects”, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 33(7), July

A Catalytic Response: Dragging in the Major Nuclear Powers  A terrorist nuclear attack,
AND
consultation from Washington that the latter found itself unable or unwilling to provide.
WTO accession solves.
Aslund 10 Anders, Peterson Institute for International Economics10 Reasons Why the Russian Economy Will Recover Op-ed in the Moscow Times November 25, 2010 http://www.piie.com/publications/opeds/oped.cfm?ResearchID=1712

Russia is finally about to accede to the World Trade Organization (WTO) within
AND
integration and convergence will drive the country's growth for a couple of decades.
No escalation – U.S. attack subs have the best combat subs and can defeat any undersea opponent even if outnumbered – ensures continued deterrence and checks escalation – their evidence is just sensationalism. That’s Axe.

Dispute system checks – states empirically turn to legal structures and scientific and diplomati cooperation to agress disagreements, not weapons systems. Joint data gathering ensures certainty and stability. That’s Baker.

Economic stakes are too high.
Smirnov 9 Alexei Smirnov, @ Defense and Security, 1-23-09, “The Arctic is Hot,” lexis

Five countries are claiming areas close to the North Pole: Denmark, Russia,
AND
built there. So militarization of the North is not in Moscow's interests."

Diplomacy ensures peace.
Baker 8 Betsy, prof. International Law @ Vermont Law School Arctic Mapping and the Law of the Sea, 9-14-08” http://arctic-healy-baker-2008.blogspot.com/2008/09/conflict-in-arctic-tenacity-of-media.html

The territorial disputes referenced in the NYT editorial are also resolved not by conflict but
AND
pretend that it is a lawless region up for grabs ignores the facts.

Tournament:  | Round:  | Opponent: Fullerton BT | Judge:
Method
US Centricity
Bâ (teaches film at Portsmouth University (UK). He researches ‘race’, the ‘postcolonial’,  diaspora,  the  transnational  and  film  ‘genre’,  African  and  Caribbean cinemas  and film festivals) 11
(Saër Maty, The US Decentred, Cultural Studies Review, volume 17 number 2 September 2011)

A few pages into Red, White and Black, I feared

AND

The  coffle   approaches with its answers in tow.’ (340)
Method 2NC – US Centrism

Bâ (teaches film at Portsmouth University (UK). He researches ‘race’, the ‘postcolonial’,  diaspora,  the  transnational  and  film  ‘genre’,  African  and  Caribbean cinemas  and film festivals) 11
(Saër Maty, The US Decentred, Cultural Studies Review, volume 17 number 2 September 2011)

Pinho’s above suggestions can be, but

AND

always‐already  multiply  outer‐  national.

Brazil Example
Bâ (teaches film at Portsmouth University (UK). He researches ‘race’, the ‘postcolonial’,  diaspora,  the  transnational  and  film  ‘genre’,  African  and  Caribbean cinemas  and film festivals) 11
(Saër Maty, The US Decentred, Cultural Studies Review, volume 17 number 2 September 2011)

Why? Because in Brazil the ‘alleged

AND

legitimize subordination and power. (175)

Method 2NC – General Indite

No method for Wilderson’s study – treat their arguments as assertions
Ellison (Ph.D. from University College, London) 11
 (Mary, “Book Review: Red, White and Black: cinema and the structure of US antagonisms,” Race Class October–December 2011 vol. 53 no. 2 100-103)

These are two illuminating, but frustratingly

AND

title in any truly meaningful way.

Method 2NC – Lacan Bad Ext.

We should be skeptical of any psychoanalytic methodology—it’s non-falsifiable, circular, and totalizing.
Francoise MELZER Mabel Greene Myers Professor of the Humanities in French and in Comparative literature @ Chicago ’87 Editor's Introduction: Partitive Plays, Pipe Dreams , Critical Inquiry, 13:2 (1987:Winter) p. 216-
Such seepage has, of course, appeared almost

AND

the way it is articulated by psychoanalysis.

Coates
The history of racism, while terrible, does not represent exceptional/gratuitous violence – white societies have produced equally excessive violence against one another – refuse their historiography because it relies on transforming an historically inaccurate claim about violence into an entire theory of ideology and subject formation
Coates 13
(Ta-Nehisi, senior editor for The Atlantic, “A Flawed America in Context”, February 13, 2013, http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2013/02/a-flawed-america-in-context/273546/)

Toward the end of our meal we began discussing

AND

Is this what we what we will always do?
Their gut check response will be that gratuitous violence is internal to white society and  that pre-colonization African societies were free of the violence produced by white culture – this claim is reactionary and historically inaccurate
Coates 13
(Ta-Nehisi, senior editor for The Atlantic, “A Flawed America in Context”, February 13, 2013, http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2013/02/a-flawed-america-in-context/273546/)

Lesson One: the rejection of the idea

AND

full range of features, both laudable and regrettable. 

Fatalism
Fatalism Turn 2NC 

Welcome (his PhD at the sociology department of the City University of New York's Graduate Center) 4
(H. Alexander, "White Is Right": The Utilization of an Improper Ontological Perspective in Analyses of Black Experiences, Journal of African American Studies, Summer-Fall 2004, Vol. 8, No. 1 and 2, pp. 59-73)

Oppositional identity within the black community

AND

construct their identity that is denied black actors. 

Welcome 2004 – completing his PhD at the sociology department of the City University of New York's Graduate Center (H. Alexander, "White Is Right": The Utilization of an Improper Ontological Perspective in Analyses of Black Experiences, Journal of African American Studies, Summer-Fall 2004, Vol. 8, No. 1 and 2, pp. 59-73)

In many of the studies of blacks, the experiences

AND

analyses of black experiences is an effect of power imbalances. 

TURN – their historical focus requires Western discourse to make their argument intelligible
FitzGerald, 2009 (FitzGerald, Sharron A., Aberystwyth University, The Female Diaspora: Interrogating the Female Trafficked Migrant (July 10, 2009). DECOLONISATION OF LEGAL KNOWLEDGE: WHOSE RESPONSIBILITY?, Amita Dhanda and Archana Parashar, eds., Forthcoming. Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1432449)
Wendy Brown’s States of Injury: Power

AND

the expense of women’s human rights(1995: 21).

This is an apriori question
Brown (professor of history and of African and African American Studies specializing in Atlantic Slavery) 9
(Vincent, “Social Death and Political Life in the Study of Slavery,” http://history.fas.harvard.edu/people/faculty/documents/brown-socialdeath.pdf)

African American history has grown

AND

and conditions of social existence.

Fatalism Turn – Method Link

Inherent in their methodology
Robinson (PhD Political Theory, University of Nottingham) 05
(Theory and Event, Andrew, 8:1, The Political Theory of Constitutive Lack: A Critique).

More precisely, I would maintain that "constitutive

AND

 dangerous" as to be accused of being wrong.

Tournament:  | Round:  | Opponent: Fullerton BT | Judge:
Limits are key to their movement – we can’t know the rightness or wrongness of their idea unless we have access to literature on both sides.  This undermines support for their advocacy
Underwood, Prof of Communication Studies, 2k1 (Psychology of Communication,
http://www.cultsock.ndirect.co.uk/MUHome/cshtml/psy/hovland3.html)
Whether or not you should

AND

with the more intelligent audience.

Capitalism proves – even anarchists must sometimes advocate the state to better understand how to resist it
The State and Capitalism
AK Press 12
(February 17, http://www.revolutionbythebook.akpress.org/accumulation-of-freedom-video-promo-2/)

Anti-capitalism is too often

AND

to dismiss the study of economic

The alt is dogmatism that turns the case – need to defend it sometimes
Doyle 11
(Mike, In Defense of Neoliberalism, Ideas and Reflections by the MPhil Development Studies Students
http://cambridgedevelopmentstudies.wordpress.com/2011/04/12/in-defense-of-neoliberalism-part-i/)
 We have all spent the past sixth months

AND

side’s view, irritating as it may be. 

A2 the State is Racist
The American legal system and state are not inherently racist – their overly fatalistic narrative ignores massive progress and incorrectly assumes that the US uniquely represents a site of anti-blackness
Farber 98
(Daniel, Prof. of the Minnesota School of Law, “Is American Law Inherently Racist”, w/ Prof. Delgado, Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository, http://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1211andcontext=facpubs)
Let me begin with the vision

AND

doing considerably better than most.
The proper response to recurrent state/legal racism is protective measures – only legal reform can embed bulwarks against historical injustice
Delgado 98
(Richard, Jean N. Lindsley Professor of Law at the University of Colorado Law School, “Is American Law Inherently Racist”, Debate w/ Prof. Farber, Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository, http://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1211andcontext=facpubs)
AUDIENCE: If we accept the premise that

AND

address this point later in my talk.

Even if true, assumptions that the law/state are inherently racist collapse aff solvency – they foreground the assumption of racism, which turns debate and dialogue into a witch hunt to determine which kind of racism people are guilty of – this assumption of guilt and hopelessness of reform collapses coalitions and public dialogue on racism that are pre-requisites to solvency
Farber 98
(Daniel, Prof. of the Minnesota School of Law, “Is American Law Inherently Racist”, w/ Prof. Delgado, Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository, http://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1211andcontext=facpubs)

Finally, and I think perhaps this is the most

AND

rom ever achieving his vision of justice.

Tournament:  | Round:  | Opponent: Fullerton BT | Judge:
OFF
1
Our interpretation is that an affirmative should defend a topical action by the USfg as the endpoint of their advocacy. This does not mandate roleplaying, immediate fiat or any particular means of impact calculus. 

“USFG should” proscribes both a stable agent and mechanism
Ericson ‘03
(Jon M., Dean Emeritus of the College of Liberal Arts – California Polytechnic U., et al., The Debater’s Guide, Third Edition, p. 4)

The Proposition of Policy: Urging Future Action

AND

the future action that you propose. 

The Aff undermines the ability to have a limited and stable number of Affirmatives to prepare against. This is a reason to vote negative.

First is topic education
Public sphere debates over engagement with the state energy apparatus prevents energy technocracy and equips us to oppose the dominance of oil, coal, and other elitist interests they criticize
Hager, professor of political science – Bryn Mawr College, ‘92
(Carol J., “Democratizing Technology: Citizen and State in West German Energy Politics, 1974-1990” Polity, Vol. 25, No. 1, p. 45-70)

During this phase, the citizen initiative attempted to overcome

AND

politics in modern technological society.61

Topical version of their Aff – Their call to place structural violence first is entirely compatible with a topical advocacy. Resolutional action is crucial to halting environmental injustice
Bullard 8
(Robert D. Bullard, Ph.D, Environmental Justice Resource Center,_Clark Atlanta University, 7/2/08, “POVERTY, POLLUTION AND ENVIRONMENTAL RACISM: STRATEGIES FOR BUILDING HEALTHY AND SUSTAINABLE COMMUNITIES” http://www.ejrc.cau.edu/PovpolEj.html)

The environmental justice movement

AND

short term economic remedies for poverty.

Second is Decision-making
Increasing the abstraction of debates and undermining stasis hampers the decision-making benefits of debate
Steinberg, lecturer of communication studies – University of Miami, and Freeley, Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, ‘8
(David L. and Austin J., Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making p. 45)

Debate is a means of settling differences

AND

which will be outlined in the following discussion.

Decision-making is the most important facet of education we could take away from debate – key to success in any future role
Steinberg, lecturer of communication studies – University of Miami, and Freeley, Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, ‘8
(David L. and Austin J., Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making p. 9-10)

After several days of intense debate, first

AND

or a vote for our favored political candidate.

Next is substantive side bias
Surely the Aff will say the Neg can still debate them on the substance of their advocacy but not defending the clear actor and mechanism of the resolutional produces a substantive side bias.
Affirmatives that don’t defend the resolution make deploying other strategies against them inordinately Aff tilted. They have the ability to radically recontextualize link arguments, empathize different proscriptive claims of the 1AC while using traditional competition standards like perms to make being impossible inordinately difficult.

And we have an external impact to this net benefit
Sufficient research-based preparation and debates focused on detailed points of disagreement are crucial to transforming political culture
Gutting (professor of philosophy at the University of Notre Dame) 13
(Gary, Feb 19, A Great Debate,  http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/02/19/a-great-debate/?emc=eta1)

This is the year of what should be a decisive debate

AND

prepared and open to considered responses.

And effective deliberative discourse is the lynchpin to solving all existential problems
Christian O. Lundberg 10 Professor of Communications @ University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, “Tradition of Debate in North Carolina” in Navigating Opportunity: Policy Debate in the 21st Century By Allan D. Louden, p311
The second major problem with the critique

AND

for dealing with the existential challenges to democracy in an increasingly complex world. 

Forth is Mechanism Education
The Aff’s failure to ID a clear mechanism of change has the most devastating effects on the quality of debates. It makes link comparisons vacuous and means that detailed and well prepared PICs about substance, everyone’s favorite and most education part of debate are all but impossible.

We do not need to win that the state is good, rather just that the value of the state is something that should be debated about. This creates another standard for reading the Aff’s evidence – it can’t just indicate that the state or the resolution is bad or ineffective but that they should not even be discussed. Any of the aff’s ev on this account is simply proof that it can be done on the neg – no unique educational benefit to doing it on the aff, only provides an unfair tactical advantage to their arguments.

And this turns the Aff – debates over mechanisms for change are crucial to the success of leftist politics
Schostak (Professor of Education at Manchester Metropolitan University) 11
(John, Wikileaks, Tahrir Square – their significance for re-thinking democracy, Manchester social movements conference, April, http://www.enquirylearning.net/ELU/politics/tahrirwikileaks.html)

In his study of the conditions of work imposed

AND

Middle East is so important today. 

2
Our interpretation is that an affirmative should provide an agent and mechanism of change. The 1ac says affirm the sacrifice of white humanity, but the relevant question is how do we sacrifice white humanity and how do we fight antiblackness.
This is key to productive debates about antiblackness
West quoted in 94
(Malik Miah, Cornel West's Race Matters, May-June, http://www.solidarity-us.org/node/3079)

“The crisis in black leadership,”

AND

analysis includes no criticisms of Christian priests.)

Its an ethical responsibility of revolutionaries to have a plausible plan.
Day 9
(Christopher, The Historical Failure of Anarchism: Implications for the Future of the Revolutionary Project, http://mikeely.files.wordpress.com/2009/07/historical_failure_of_aanarchism_chris_day_kasama.pdf)
Finally revolutionaries have a

AND

let alone a   revolutionary organization).
CASE
God
“Deven” doesn’t exist—there is no way to substantiate claims—no evidence—reject on face
Even if he does exist—who are we to trust a white man’s interpretation of an Aztec god. WHAT?

Method
It’s film theory dude, no amount of evidence can support for the strong ontological categories he establishes

Wilderson’s method is flawed
a. US-centricity
Bâ (teaches film at Portsmouth University (UK). He researches ‘race’, the ‘postcolonial’,  diaspora,  the  transnational  and  film  ‘genre’,  African  and  Caribbean cinemas  and film festivals) 11
(Saër Maty, The US Decentred, Cultural Studies Review, volume 17 number 2 September 2011)

A few pages into Red, White and Black

AND

approaches with its answers in tow.’ (340)

b. Non-falsifiablility
His unverifiable generalizations are understandable because he relies of Lacanian and Marxist structuralism – We’ll quote Wilderson’s method section
Wilderson 10

A Note on Method
Throughout this book I use White, Human, Master,

AND

which in turn structure US. antagonisms.

This is non-falsifiable and fails – no support for generalizing from the particular
Robinson (PhD Political Theory, University of Nottingham) 05
(Theory and Event, Andrew, 8:1, The Political Theory of Constitutive Lack: A Critique)

One of the functions of myth is to cut out what Trevor

AND

without reference to particular contexts.

c. Ahistorical
They assume that anti-black animus arises from nothingness but its caught up in a broader web of historical power relationships like Islamophobia and nativism
Charoenying (citing Nelson Maldonado-Torres, Prof of Ethnic Studies, UC Berkeley) 8
(Timothy, Islamophobia and Anti-Blackness: A Genealogical Approach, http://crg.berkeley.edu/content/islamophobia-anti-blackness-genealogical-approach)

The year 1492 marked a major  turning

AND

and human trafficking of sub-Saharan Africans.

Fatalism
WIlderson’s hard ontological descriptions make fatalism inevitable  -  if they win their ontological arguments, there is no reason why any ontic action could ever reverse it
Bâ (teaches film at Portsmouth University (UK). He researches ‘race’, the ‘postcolonial’,  diaspora,  the  transnational  and  film  ‘genre’,  African  and  Caribbean cinemas  and film festivals) 11
(Saër Maty, The US Decentred, Cultural Studies Review, volume 17 number 2 September 2011)

In chapter nine, ‘“Savage” Negrophobia’

AND

approaches with its answers in tow.’ (340)

Turns the case – greatest comparative threat
Miah quoting West in 94
(Malik Miah, Cornel West's Race Matters, May-June, http://www.solidarity-us.org/node/3079)

In the chapter, “Nihilism in Black America,”

AND

meaning there can be no struggle.” (14-15) 

Ontological Blackness Turn
Their use of ontological blackness creates reliance on white superiority and erases individuality – ontological blackness opposes itself to whiteness, affirming white superiority by grounding blackness in suffering and the experience of anti-blackness – that reduces all experience to negative experience of racial constitution, which crushes individuality and causes social death
Pinn 97
(Anthony, Agnes Cullen Arnold Professor of Humanities and Professor of Religious Studies at Rice University whose work focuses on black liberation theology, African-American religion, and African-American humanism, Review of “Beyond Ontological Blackness: An Essay on African American Religious and Cultural Criticism by Victor Anderson”, African American Review, Vol. 31, No. 2 (Summer, 1997), pp. 320-323)

In chapter one Anderson defines religious criticism

AND

balance? Anderson looks to Nietzsche.

Violent Revolution
The Alt demands a violent revolution which will be destroyed and only result in a new dictatorship
Feldheim (Prof of Philosophy @ SUNY) 8
(Andrew, REPLY TO WARD CHURCHILL, dspace.sunyconnect.suny.edu, GoogleScholar)

Churchill’s assumption that, when

AND

nature makes it of limited utility.  

And this true in North America too – The immediate effect of the alternative would be a massive increase in direct anti-Black and anti-Red violence
Fire Rider (advocate from the Northern Ontario Ojibwe and American Indian Movement) 5
(Marty, Why Churchill Political Agenda is Wrong for Indians, February 2005, http://aimfireca.tripod.com/id44.html)

I think we can agree that Churchill's political philosophy

AND

would be subject to further violence, racism and discriminating. 

Coates
The history of racism, while terrible, does not represent exceptional/gratuitous violence – white societies have produced equally excessive violence against one another – refuse their historiography because it relies on transforming an historically inaccurate claim about violence into an entire theory of ideology and subject formation
Coates 13
(Ta-Nehisi, senior editor for The Atlantic, “A Flawed America in Context”, February 13, 2013, http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2013/02/a-flawed-america-in-context/273546/)

Toward the end of our meal we began

AND

what we what we will always do?
Their gut check response will be that gratuitous violence is internal to white society and  that pre-colonization African societies were free of the violence produced by white culture – this claim is reactionary and historically inaccurate
Coates 13
(Ta-Nehisi, senior editor for The Atlantic, “A Flawed America in Context”, February 13, 2013, http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2013/02/a-flawed-america-in-context/273546/)

Lesson One: the rejection of the

AND

features, both laudable and regrettable.