Tournament:  | Round:  | Opponent:  | Judge:
see west ga BM

Tournament: Harvard | Round: 3 | Opponent: NU KM | Judge: Turner
1AC
Why shed tears ANDbroke with no lights on. –Tupac Shakur - Smile

In the United States the social and political is characterized by internal colonialism – consensus and commensurability are impossible for indigenous and non-white peoples. . This necessitates a decolonizing pedagogical praxis. Claims to the contrary are colonial acts of microaggression and linguistic violence.
Tejeda and Espinoza 3(Carlos, Assistant Professor for the Division of Educational Foundations and Interdivisional Studies at the Charter College of Education, California- State University, Los Angeles and Manuel, Ph.D. student in the division of Urban Schooling at the University of California. Los Angeles, “Toward a Decolonizing Pedagogy: Social Justice Reconsidered”, Excerpt from Pedagogies of Difference: Rethinking Education for Social Justice, Ed. Trifonas, http://arelosangeles.pbworks.com/f/Tejeda%20-%20Decolonizing%20Pedagogy.pdf)
In the contemporary contexts of what many refer to as the United States, workingANDfor engaging in the struggle for social justice through a decolonizing pedagogical praxis.
In the context of the topic, a decolonizing pedagogical praxis reveals the ongoing struggle within the energy sector for ownership
Abramsky 10(Kolya, former secretariat of the World Wind Energy Institute, Sparking a Worldwide Energy Revolution: Social Struggles in the Transition to a Post-petrol World, “Sparking an Energy Revolution: Building New Relations of Production, Exchange and Livelihood”, p.636)
As chapters in this book have sought to show, within the energy sector itselfANDto intensify in the future, and have definitely not already been lost.

Specifically, the African American internal colony is bracketed out of US energy policy and production.
AAE 11(African American Environmentalist Association, http://aaenvironment.blogspot.com, Monday, December 26, 2011, African Americans and Coal Should Blacks Own Coal Mines In A Global Warming World?)
Blacks do not currently own energy production companies (except for CAMACInternational), are not ANDis the only environmental organization promoting African American ownership in the energy sector.

Blacks in urban areas are denied basic energy access in the internal colony. This is racial genocide manifested through social neglect.
AABE 4 (“Energy, Economics, and the Environment: Effects on African Americans An Analysis Prepared for the American Association of Blacks in Energy (AABE) by Redefining Progress”, February, 2004, http://www.aabe.org/docs/whitepapers/docs/1-State-of-Energy-in-Black-America-Report.pdf)
African Americans are more than twice as likely to live in poverty as non-ANDenergy businesses and African American employment in the energy sector are disproportionately small.  
Your role as a judge is to affirm our pedagogical praxis and the ethical imperative for a Black revolutionary movement to take the means of energy production from racist companies by any means necessary!
Ervin 1Lorenzo Komboa Ervin , a former Black Panther " Anarchism and the Black Revolution - Lorenzo Komboa Ervin ." LIB COM,. http://libcom.org/library/anarchism-black-revolution-lorenzo-ervin
We are an oppressed people, who have the moral and political right to rebelANDfight we will find that the people of the world support our struggle.

Black revolutionary praxis solves best because it multifaceted, historically-informed and counters colonial institutionsErvin 1Lorenzo Komboa Ervin , a former Black Panther " Anarchism and the Black Revolution - Lorenzo Komboa Ervin ." LIB COM,. http://libcom.org/library/anarchism-black-revolution-lorenzo-ervin
If we are to build a new Black revolutionary protest movement we must ask ourselves ANDof our people. It could be a major concession, a victory.


You should affirm the 1AC performance as a creative and disruptive event – it is a universal singularity which decolonizes this space and spurs becoming
Ziarek 5(Ewa Ptbnowska, Professor of Comparative Literature of the Humanities Institute at the State University of New York at Buffalo, Revolt, Affect, Collectivity, Ed. Ziarek, “Kristeva and Fanon: Revolutionary Violence and Ironic Articulation”, p.59-60)
In his critique of Sartre, Fanon charges that the attempt to give revolution objective ANDparadoxical necessity of inventing new thinking, new skin, and new subjectivities.
Affirming our right to rebel independently solves – bracket out pragmatic considerations in your decision-calculus
Wise 8 (Tim J, White Like Me: Reflections on Race from a Privileged Son, p. 174-177, OG)But Bell's assessment, at least for me, was a liberating tract—no ANDthe work to save our lives morally and ethically, if not physically.

Tournament:  | Round:  | Opponent:  | Judge:
1AC
1AC: Epigraphs
Leslie Marmon Silko states:
The ride into the mountain had branched into all directions of time. He knew then why the oldtimers could only speak of yesterday and tomorrow in terms of the present moment: the only certainty; and this present sense of being was qualified with bare hints of yesterday and tomorrow...Rocky and I are walking across the ridge in the moonlight; Josiah and Robert are waiting for us. This night is a single night; and there has never been any other
(Ceremony – pg. 192)
Marjane Ambler interjects:
The discovery of millions of dollars in energy minerals beneath several Indian reservations in the United States presents one of the great ironies of history. From the pioneer farmers' perspective the sites chosen for Indian reservations in the late nineteenth century generally were wastelands that safely could be promised as "permanent" homelands. No one predicted the extent of the underground wealth or how much it would change the lives of the Indian people living over it.
former editor of Tribal College Journal, “Breaking the Iron Bonds: Indian Control of Energy Development”, pg. 31, og)
1AC: Genealogy/Paternalism
US Indian energy policy is historically paternalistic –
Voggesser 12 (Garritt, National Director for Tribal Partnerships, National Wildlife Foundation, “The Evolution of Federal Energy Policy” in Indian and Energy, pg. 66-68, og)
More than a decade of conflict culminated in a late 1981 push to rewrite¶ AND1970s to build their capacity to manage energy¶ resource development.3 9
Current federal policy is still paternalistic Indian Country Today 11 (“Rep. Young and Tribes Protest BIA’s Tight Restrictions on Energy Development”, http://indiancountrytodaymedianetwork.com/2011/04/05/tribes-strike-bias-big-daddy-approach-to-energy-development-26718 , Acc: 8/15/12, og)
Tribal leaders and lawmakers on April 1 discussed the need for the Bureau of Indian AND100 on other state lands, the staff told the Great Falls Tribune.
Paternalism allows for US violence against the Native other under the guise of benevolence
Black 7 (Jason Edward, Associate Professor of Communication Studies at University of Alabama, Ph.D, “Remembrances of Removal: Native Resistance to Allotment and the Unmasking of Paternal Benevolence”, Southern Communication Journal, 72: 2, pp. 185-203, og)
Paternalism, another nineteenth-century American ideology, involved a rhetoric infused with "ANDchildren were ignorant; they could be deceived or treated in a way that
served the interests of the adults—a kind of exploitative paternalism" (PruchaANDallotment era through its conflation of expansion, paternalism, and benevolent desires.
Paternalism should be rejected
Warrior 67 (Clyde, member of the Ponca Tribe of Indians of Oklahoma, founder of the National Indian Youth Council, “We Are Not Free”, originally published in “Red Power”, http://melanconent.com/lib/oc/wearenotfree.html, Acc: 9/8/12, og)
We are not free. We do not make choices. Our choices are made ANDabout dream and let the poor decide for once, what is best for themselves.

1AC: Red Pedagogy
This round, this space, is a setting in which you should deploy Red Pedagogy – that is, an educational praxis which foregrounds Native intellectualism. Red pedagogy allows us to create a decolonized democratic space and activate our political agency
Grande 8 (Sandy, Associate Professor of Education at Connecticut College, Ph.D., Kent State University, Fellow in the Holleran Center for Community Action and Public Policy, member of the EPA’s National Environmental Justice Advisory Council’s Indigenous People’s Work Group, “Red Pedagogy” in Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies, pg. 242-3, og)
From the standpoint of Red pedagogy, the primary lesson in all of this is ANDsoul of America, so too does the more hopeful spirit of indigeneity.

Tournament: Pitt Round Robin | Round: 4 | Opponent: Michigan State RH | Judge: Malcolm Gordon
Round 4: Vs. MSU HR, with Malcolm Gordon as the Judge. NEW AFF
1AC Advantages: 

Red Pedagogy - affirms the right to self sovereignty and to exist.
Red Pedagogy reveals U.S. has colonialist relationship to Native Americans.
The tribes should regulate the production of energy within their territories.
People can only liberate themselves when imagine the radical in order to reconstitute the common good.
Native sovereignty and the affirmative's advocacy of deconstruction breaks down settlerism.

Plan/Advocacy: We should remove energy restrictions on Native American production.

2AC Strat:
Case - they misunderstood the aff, all their paternalism is unresponsive, 1NC not responsive, they concede impact of destruction of the native body by bare life, exploiting tribes to justify restrictions is more racist, DOI argument non-responsive. Settlerism/colonialism is not imperialism, and settlerism/colonialism predate bare life.

Framewrok/T - we meet because aff said remove restrictions. CI, aff must remove or reduce USFG restrictions. Shoul > obligation to act. Aff does have a plan. There form of condescension is a form of whiteness.

Red Pedagogy K - no link, the 1AC is practice, not ivory tower theory. Calderone is wrong, red pedagogy solves. Perm do both. Perm do all non-comp parts.
Wind DA - no link, don't remove restrictions on wind. Even if risk of DA, doesn't justify settlerism and colonialism. Impacts are non-unique, wind development happening in squo.
1AR:
Case/K - The RoB that best performs red pedagogy. Their renewable energy evidence is just a way to maintain settlerism/colonialism. Their evidence is about post-colonialism which does not apply to the aff. The concede Grander, extend perm do both.

T - Extend Ci, the aff should be resolved that the USFG should reduce restrictions. Aff must defend a reduce of restriction, which we meet. No external impact to extra T. CI - energy production includes competition. If they don't go for framework, turn is a voter.

2AR Offense:
T - concediing aff is topical means game over for neg.

Case - neg conceded framework, so no impact to Neg. All of their arguments are problematic because only winning non-unique case turns. The Neg conceded red pedagogy voter. Rifkin indicates squo is bad because government reduces Native Americans to bare life through energy restrictions. They have not made an argument that is A - unique, and B - links to the aff.There is no-uniqueness for the impact coming off of corporate control. All their evidence is in the context of renewables, thus no link to the affirmative. Don't have external impact to tribal governments might be wrong.

Round 6: Vs. Michigan DH, with Jason Russell as the Judge.
1AC:
-Genealogical account of how their aff has transformed: concluding that they have performed the role of settlers
- Can’t reduce the indian body
- USFG = settlers, restrictions = state of exception
- Plan/Advocacy: remove DOI requirement
- Red Pedagogy
- Open spaces to transform identity
- Blues song clip
- CX: red pedagogy is a method which combines indigenous perspectives and critical theory

2AC:
- Impact to aff is explained as bare life
- Blues clipping performance and ethnobiography means that they can’t solve the 1AC
- should = obligation to act, duty
- blindness metaphors are able-ist
- we are always imperceptible (at: k)

1AR:
- Restrictions should be reduced
- We lift a restriction on production not a regulation
- Playing the blues solvency deficit
- Blind metaphors – blind is associated with ignorance
- CP is settler mentality – and perm solves
- K: Aff is negative state action not pro-active, and we are already imperceptible

2AR:
- Case outweighs
- Blindness metaphors are a voting issue
- Question is what you as a judge can do in this debate
- We meet topicality – doi restricts production
- Restrictions on federal land use c/interp

AFF ROUND REPORT FORMAT:

Round 7: West Georgia GM Vs. Oklahoma LM y, with Jordan Foley as the Judge.

1AC Advantages:
Removing restrictions on prisons

Plan/Advocacy: the whole 1ac

2AC Strat:

1AR:

2AR Offense:

Tournament:  | Round: 4 | Opponent: MSU HR | Judge: malgor
Indians 1AC 2.0

In this round your role as judge is to facilitate Red Pedagogy. Red Pedagogy is an educational praxis that combines indigenous knowledge and critical theory to create decolonized classroom spaces and invigorate political agency. Red Pedagogy is NOT an end-point but a self-reflexive process. The 1AC is an example of Red Pedagogy in action when applied to the resolutional question.

Grande 8 (Sandy, Associate Professor of Education at Connecticut College, Ph.D., Kent State University, Fellow in the Holleran Center for Community Action and Public Policy, member of the EPA’s National Environmental Justice Advisory Council’s Indigenous People’s Work Group, “Red Pedagogy” in Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies, pg. 242-3, og)

From the standpoint of Red pedagogy, the primary lesson in all of this is

AND

soul of America, so too does the more hopeful spirit of indigeneity.

Red Pedagogy revealed to us that the United States relationship to Indians is organized around the Settler Colonial management of life. The anxious desire to control the Indian Other results in exceptional and racist violence BUT under the guise of federal care and dependency.

Rifkin 9 (Mark, Assistant English Professor at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, “Indigenizing Agamben: Rethinking Sovereignty in Light of the “Peculiar” Status of Native Peoples,” Cultural Critique, No 73, Fall)

Representing Native populations and lands as occupying an "anomalous" position allows the U

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theatre" of U.S. governance. End Page 100

In the context of the resolution, the Department of Interior’s approval requirement is a restriction on Indian energy production. This restriction should be removed because it is racist Settler control and exploitation of Indian sovereignty masked as care. Removing the restriction allows Indians to make the final decision about energy development.

Henson and Taylor 4

(Eric and Jonathan B., “Native America at the New Millennium”, Wiener Center for Social Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard, THE PIEGAN INSTITUTE is to serve as a vehicle to research, promote and preserve Native languages, p.185-188, http://www.pieganinstitute.org/nativeamericaatthenewmillennium.pdf)

As noted in the section on Land, American Indian reservations cover more than 55

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over its mismanagement of these funds (i.e.. trust monies).

Settler Colonialism should be rejected – it kills Indigenous populations under the guise of the common good

Alfred and Corntassel 5

(Taiaiake Alfred, Full Professor in IGOV and in the Department of Political Science. and Jeff Corntassel, (Cherokee Nation Associate Professor and Graduate Advisor in Indigenous Governance at the University of Victoria “Being Indigenous: Resurgences against Contemporary Colonialism”, Government and Opposition, p.601-2)

It is important to identify all of the old and new faces of colonialism that

AND

other brutal forms of oppression, threaten the very survival of Indigenous communities.

The 1AC’s call for Indian sovereignty deconstructs and disrupts Settlerism and creates the possibility for self-determination to emerge

Rifkin 9 (Mark, Assistant English Professor at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, “Indigenizing Agamben: Rethinking Sovereignty in Light of the “Peculiar” Status of Native Peoples,” Cultural Critique, No 73, Fall)

What I have sought to do, then, is to use Agamben's analysis of

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and institutional structures of the settler-state. End Page 115

2AC

AT: We help dissenters against tribal governments

Exploiting tribal disputes to justify restrictions is Settler racism and undermines Indian democracies

Rosser 10

(Ezra, Associate Professor. American University Washington College of Law, Research Affiliate, National Poverty Center. University of Michigan, “Ahistorical Indians And Reservation Resources”, Environmental Law, Spring , 40 Envtl. L. 437, http://www.tribesandclimatechange.org/docs/tribes_11.pdf)

The Navajo Nation provides avenues for project objections to be raised and it is important

AND

between development and the environment through the political processes and internal tribal mechanisms.

AT Tribal Governments/Corruption

Tribal disputes DO NOT justify federal control – interference is Settlerism AND assumes that tribes are incapable of decision-making and dialogue

Rosser 10 (Ezra, Associate Professor. American University Washington College of Law, Research Affiliate, National Poverty Center. University of Michigan, “Ahistorical Indians And Reservation Resources”, Environmental Law, Spring , 40 Envtl. L. 437, http://www.tribesandclimatechange.org/docs/tribes_11.pdf)

By elevating the tribal member objections to tribal council actions from internal tribal matters to

AND

—should be in the position of passing judgment on tribal development decisions.

FW

Counter-Interpretation - Generic

Resolved refers to our orientation, not hypothetical legislation –

OED Online, 2nd Edition (www.oed.com, accessed 9/17/07)

Resolved, ppl. a,

1. Of persons: Determined, decided, settled in purpose. Also const

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1858) I. iii. 207 Men of..broad resolved temper.

‘Should’ indicates an obligation to act

Remo 32 Foresi v. The Hudson Coal Co, SUPERIOR COURT OF PENNSYLVANIA, 106 Pa. Super. 307; 161 A. 910; 1932 Pa. Super. LEXIS 239 July 14,

As regards the mandatory character of the rule, the word 'should' is not only

AND

and carries with it the sense of obligation and duty equivalent to compulsion.

Whiteness DA

Turn – Form/Content dissonance is a function of whiteness - This is fundamentally a complaint not about our content, but our form that upholds norms of whiteness in debate – INDEPENDENT VOTER

Clark 4

(Karen Rose Jandreau, A Pedagogy for Justice: Reinterpreting Democracy, Normative Whiteness and the Public Space, Dissertation for PhD in Education, University of Pennsylvania)sbl p.47-8

As discussed earlier, currently, the voices of those who use dispassionate, objective

AND

the flesh and blood of any political communication" (p. 65).

Red Ped K

AT: Grande Indicts (Theory Bad)

Red pedagogy solves

Grande 8 (Sandy, Associate Professor of Education at Connecticut College, Ph.D., Kent State University, Fellow in the Holleran Center for Community Action and Public Policy, member of the EPA’s National Environmental Justice Advisory Council’s Indigenous People’s Work Group, “Red Pedagogy” in Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies, pg. 242-3, og)

That being said, this is not a call for American Indian scholars to simply

AND

, and politically operative schools for both Indian and non-Indian students.

Calderon is simply wrong.  . 

Grande 8 (Sandy, Associate Professor of Education at Connecticut College, Ph.D., Kent State University, Fellow in the Holleran Center for Community Action and Public Policy, member of the EPA’s National Environmental Justice Advisory Council’s Indigenous People’s Work Group, “Red Pedagogy” in Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies, pg. 242-3, og)

To begin, the predominantly white, middle-class advocates of critical theory will

AND

in human beings as separate from and superior to the rest of nature.

AT: Calderon – Grande is Western

Calderon 6

(Dolores, J.D., is a PhD Candidate at UCLA’s Graduate School of Education and Information Studies with a specialization in race and ethnic studies, Review: Red Pedagogy: Native American Social and Political Thought by Sandy Grande, InterActions: UCLA Journal of Education and Information Studies Volume 2, Issue 1, http://escholarship.org/uc/item/3qp8c635)

Red Pedagogy: Native American Social and Political Thought calls attention to the vital need

AND

and critical scholars can come to a respectful acceptance of our different positions.

Wind DA

which is a systemic and structural issue

Place ethics above the contingent impacts of the neg – it preserves debate as an activity

Duffy 83 Bernard, Rhetoric PhD – Pitt, Communication Prof – Cal Poly, “The Ethics of Argumentation in Intercollegiate Debate: A Conservative Appraisal,” National Forensics Journal, Spring, pp 65-71, accessed at http://www.nationalforensics.org/journal/vol1no1-6.pdf

Debate at its worst is an activity which promotes self-abnegation rather than self

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to reflect upon or use their ethical beliefs in the formulation of arguments.

Evaluate the impact from indigenous perspective

Weaver 96

Weaver, attorney, Native American Studies Prof, Union Theological Seminary, New York, aS»96      (Jace, Defending Mother Earth: Native American Perspectives on Environmental Justice)

Editor's Introduction: At environmental conferences I have attended, I often have heard non

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."2 It is also the best defense against forced assimilation and extinction. 

Tournament:  | Round:  | Opponent: Michigan DH | Judge: Russell
Coming to this year’s resolution we looked for an affirmative that fit neatly within the frame that we have become accustomed to—you know, the thing West Georgia has become famous for, that radical Black stuff, that Wilderson and Sexton run-up-on-you-and-steal-your-flow-paper stuff. 

However, in our drive to find Blackness within the resolution we were confounded by the presence and absence of Indianness in the resolution and more importantly in our conversations. So we decided to do something about it. 

We—very much like the rest of the community—cut a Indian wind aff, complete with tax credits, financial incentives, tribal economy advantages, and zero federal government key warrant. Then we stripped the financial incentives aff and picked a solvency mechanism to reform or abolish the TERA process, much like Northwestern KM’s kritikal aff. We wanted to tack on a hegemony advantage, but we were too slow. 

We have now come to realize that our writing and thinking process, albeit well-intended, occurred from within the Settler perspective. This may come as a surprise to you. Can two Black cats from the inner city really perform as Settlers? Bonita Lawrence and Enakshi Dua convinced us that people of color can indeed be settlers, because they “live on land that is appropriated and contested”. Yes, two Black cats, can “participate in … ongoing colonization”. 

We as Black debaters were complicit in Settlerism for two reasons. First, we sought to interpolate the Indian into civil society’s smooth functioning. Frank Wilderson says that this process of interpolation is “both devastating and parasitic”. It weakens the radical demands of Indians and forces them into a rubric which assumes the federal government can throw some tax credits at the issue. It reduces the Indian body to “a host on which … which the collective ego of Settler civil society can be monumentalized.” 

The second reason why we performed as Settlers is because we refused to recognize the intrinsic connection between Indianness and Blackness. We really thought that we could be separate them into neat little categories for analysis. We did not recognize, in our youthful zeal, that Wilderson’s book is called “Red, White, and Black”. The importance of this can be found in the first few pages where he says:

The three structuring positions … "intra-settler discussions."

He continues, describing the contemporary moment:

The irreconcilable demands embodied in the "Savage" … and "diversity"—

After reaching a more proper understanding of our current situation and our embodied situation as Black folk, we returned to the resolution. Upon return we found something striking—the USFG functions as a Settler when dealing with Indian energy production. Who coulda-woulda have thunk it?

Marjane Ambler provided us with historical context asserting that: “The discovery of millions of dollars in energy minerals beneath several Indian reservations in the United States presents one of the great ironies of history.” In order to access these natural resources, the Federal Government established and sedimented it’s trust relationship. Eric Henson and Jonathan Taylor, professors at Harvard’s JFK School of Government, taught us that the USFG enacted restrictions to hinder “the ability to utilize those resources” and make choices about energy production. 

According to Henson and Taylor, in the status quo, the Department of the Interior “as the trustee, must approve leases involving the use of Indian-owned resources.”  Ironically, DOI, “the agency that is responsible for protecting Native interest… is also the agency that is obligated to promote non-Native development interest.” This web of restriction and promotion has resulted in “bureaucratic hurdles” and mismanagement of “revenues derived from Indian-owned resources”. Garritt Voggesser, citing an official report from the Linowes Commission, calls the process one of “outright theft” in which non-Indian energy companies are allowed to “operate essentially on an honor system”. 

This is not just about money or resources. Energy restrictions are part of what Mark Rifkin documents as the management and federal care of Indians as bodies by the Settler state. Indians are simultaneously within and outside the nation and law. Indians are brought into the legal regime when their resources and flesh are needed, and then cast out. This infringement of sovereignty, which Sandy Grande defines as the right to “exist and present … gifts to the world”, places creates a state of exception that allows for benevolent control and justified massacres of Indians. 

With regards to the resolution, we are resolved that the United States Federal Government should substantially reduce topical restrictions on Indian energy development, specifically by removing the requirement for DOI approval.

Our 1AC discussion should be thought of within what Sandy Grande calls Red Pedagogy. She says Red Pedagogy is a reflexive praxis “that interrogates both democracy and indigenous sovereignty” and allows for the “hopeful spirit of indigeneity” decolonize the classroom space. According to Grande” teachers and students…must be willing to act as agents of transgression, posing critical questions and engaging dangerous discourse.” Our pedagogy cannot be politically neutral because “we are poised to raise yet another generation in a nation at war and at risk”. The 1AC is not an end-point, but an ongoing praxis of decolonization.

Therefore, your role as a judge is to reward practices and knowledge production within this space that further decolonization.

Our approach to pedagogy is inherently one of solidarity. Our pedagogy of solidarity, according to Ruben Gaztambide-Fernandez, is not “a solution, but … a mode through which to engage in decolonizing practices”… This requires articulating decolonization…as a ‘common interest’ that unites racialized and Indigenous people across their differences in solidary struggle.”

In the context of Blacks and Indians, Grande says that “their shared positionality as subordinate groups in the United States maps a terrain of common experience. Like black students…Indian students find themselves in white-controlled institutions with agendas of assimilation and therefore vulnerable to the hegemonic norms of identity.” Black students should, always already, be in solidarity with Indian struggle against Settlerism.

Beginning the discussion with an investigation of our position as Black debaters is intentional and vital. It uniquely accesses a decolonizing pedagogy because it incorporates ethno-auto-biography. Ethnoautobiography, according to Robert Jackson-Paton, “intentionally and explicitly foregrounds identity with complexity and integrity”. It “grounds itself in the ethnic, cultural, historical, ecological, and gender background of the author” and ties it to structural and historical analysis. Embracing embodied feelings allows us to get beyond grief, denial and guilt. Ethnoautobiography “opens … spaces that encourage recovering participation, transformative identities, unorthodox narratives … and reconciliatory renewal. These spaces are fluid, challenging, and open-ended; they are inhabited by the shadow, repressed identities, and unconscious denials. Such a research methodology moves the inquirer into an underworld of transformative possibility.”

The blues clip that we play is also instrumental. Our performance of the blues is an embodied method which accounts for the historical connection between Blacks and Indians. Jodi Byrd, a Chickasaw and assistant professor of American Indian studies the University of Illinois, argues that “Southeastern Indian stomp dance music with the other musical influences … gave birth to the blues.” The blues emerges from interaction between escaped slaves and Indians who hid them and thus facilitated “syncretic exchanges” between “racial and colonial identities”. Put simply, our playing of the blues creates “a vibrant soundscape here in this room through which to re-imagine community that transcends the current limitations of a landscape mapped and owned through colonization”.

Tournament:  | Round:  | Opponent:  | Judge: 

T – It is Statutory, solves Limits/Predictability

Restriction is statutorily defined in Federal Acquisition Regulations Subpart 8.6

(no need to read as “card”, just make the arg and offer it if they want to look at it, it would be the worlds most boring card…)

Subpart 8.6—Acquisition from Federal Prison Industries, Inc.

https://www.acquisition.gov/far/current/html/Subpart%208_6.html

Subpart 8.6—Acquisition from Federal Prison Industries, Inc.¶ 8.

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person’s real property however described, without the prior consent of the individual.

Von Mises

NEG interp is useless hair-splitting. “restriction” is intended to make production more difficult and eliminate particular means of production

Von Mises ’7 Ludwig, Austrian Economist, Human Action: A Treatise on Economics, Ch 29, “Restriction of Production,” first published in 1949, this ‘07 edition accessed at http://mises.org/pdf/humanaction/pdf/ha_29.pdf

Each authoritarian … thesis are vain.

One of the greatest lies told of the Status Quo is that the 13th amendment abolished Slavery. It did not. Rather, it carved out the exception of criminal punishment by which involuntary servitude could legitimately be enforced. Recognizing this fact is crucial to understanding the role of the modern Prison Industrial Complex in furthering Anti-Blackness. The history of Black prison labor, including in the area of energy production, helps explain how the transition from Plantation to Penitentiary occurred.

Davis 3 Angela, Are Prisons Obsolete? pp31-36

As indicated above, black people were imprisoned under the laws assembled in the various

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help us adopt more complicated, critical postures toward the present and future.

The relationships between Prisons and Energy Production have not been ignored completely – many in the debate community are familiar with the ‘topical’ ideas of former Obama Administration official Van Jones – “Green Jobs, Not Jails” is frequently cited as the kind of ‘pragmatic’ advocacy K teams wishing to discuss Racism should engage in. And yet, Jones and those who tout his ideas fail to interrogate the systemic and structural nature of White Supremacy which goes much deeper, to the very existence of the United States.

Rodriguez 11(Dylan, PhD, Professor and Director of Ethnic Studies at UC Riverside, “The Black Presidential Non-Slave”, Political Power and Social Theory, Volume 22, 17–50, og)

To crystallize what I hope to be the potentially useful implications of this provocation toward

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) prison chattel andpolitically legitimate the processes of enslavement/imprisonmenttherein.

Van Jones and too many debaters naively optimistic about the present system are focusing on the fungible Blackness of the Obama Presidency instead of attending to the genocidal logic of the Prison Industrial Complex.

Rodriguez continues -

To understandthe US prison as a regime is to focus conceptually, theoretically,

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of the prison’s genocidal logic, not the fungible Blackness of the presidency.

This failure to understand the true scope of Anti-Blackness in the Status Quo is exemplified within Resolutional policies -- mistakenly searching for ways to Federally incentivize “Green Jobs, Not Jails” ignores the Federal Restrictions which are already creating Green Jobs IN Jails.

Cardwell 12

(Diane, Business Day reporter for The New York Times covering energy, March 14, “Private Businesses Fight Federal Prisons for Contracts”, http:~/~/www.nytimes.com/2012/03/15/business/private-businesses-fight-federal-prisons-for-contracts.html?pagewanted=alland_r=0url:http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/15/business/private-businesses-fight-federal-prisons-for-contracts.html?pagewanted=alland_r=0

“F.P.I. continues to face the negative impact of economic

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produce 75 megawatts’ worth of panels a year, Ms. Rozier said.

These restrictions on energy production by federal agencies require use of materials made by people prison

Koenig 12

Brian,  21 June, “Obama Admin. Uses Prison Labor to Advance “Green” Agenda”, http:~/~/www.thenewamerican.com/tech/energy/item/11805-obama-admin-uses-prison-labor-to-advance-%E2%80%9Cgreen%E2%80%9D-com/tech/energy/item/11805-obama-admin-uses-prison-labor-to-advance-%E2%80%9Cgreen%E2%80%9D-agenda(%%)

Federal Prison Industries, more commonly known as UNICOR, is a wholly owned corporation

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agencies buy the products from, ironically, the government agency itself. ¶

Status Quo restrictions requiring prison-made renewable energy sources be used in the transition to a ‘greener USFG’ thus puts the Climate DA in the same league as the Cotton Biz Con DA of the 1850’s – the pain and suffering of Black and Brown bodies becomes the sacrifice necessary for the maintenance of the “civilization” created by White Supremacy. By now, our relationship with the Resolution and its Affirmation should be clear – our previous scholarship in the area of Anti-Blackness helps reveal how energy production in the US is always already informed by the structural racism of white supremacy, thus we are rightfully skeptical of calls for a ‘greener’ economy that do not properly account for how ‘anti-blackening’ distorts and corrupts such efforts.

To reject the restrictions on energy production supporting the Prison Industrial Complex is to contest the relationship between involuntary servitude and energy policy reform and to affirm removal of these restrictions is to pull apart current connections between a Green Economy and Anti-Blackness.

Davis 3Angela, Are Prisons Obsolete? pp.103-106 

Radical opposition to the global prison industrial complexsees the antiprison movement as a vital

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of removing the prison from the social and ideological landscapes of our society.

Our affirmative can be understood as a form of narrative creativity within the scholarly and competitive confines of intercollegiate debate – a reckoning with the past and present that is both topical in its advocacy and beneficial in its contributions to the academic disciplines and political activism

Rodriguez 11(Dylan, PhD, Professor and Director of Ethnic Studies at UC Riverside, “The Black Presidential Non-Slave”, Political Power and Social Theory, Volume 22, 17–50, og)

I am inspired in this instance by the durable political-intellectual model of C

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an anti-disciplinary and potentially ‘‘popular’’ vernacular of social truth.12